Letters of Cortés : five letters of relation to the Emperor Charles V

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Letters of Cortes

The Five Letters of Relation from Fernando
Cortes to the Emperor Charles V.

Translated, and Edited, with a Biographical Introduction
and Notes Compiled from Original Sources

By

Francis Augustus MacNutt

In Two Volumes
Volume Two

G. P. Putnam's Sons
New York and London
Zbe Itnicfeerboc&er ipreas

1908

Copyright, 1908

BY

FRANCIS AUGUSTUS MacNUTT

Ubc fmtcfeerbocfeer press, Hew ]t?orft

CONTENTS

PAGB

Third Letter, May 15, 1522 ..... 3

Fourth Letter, October 15, 1524 .... 159

Fifth Letter, September 3, 1526 .... 229

Fragment of a Letter prom Bishop Zumarraga . 359

Index ......... 367

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGB

Charles V. in 1519 . . . . . Frontispiece
From an Old Print

Plan of Mexico City . . . . . .12

From The Conquest of Mexico, by Diaz del Castillo

Map of Yucatan and the Adjacent Territories . 232
Compiled by Dudley Costello in 1854

Map of the South Sea and the Gulf of California 350
From Lorenzana's Hist, de Nueva Esfana, 1770

THIRD LETTER

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THIRD LETTER

Sent by Fernando Cortes, Captain and Superior Justice
of Yucatan, called the New Spain of the Ocean Sea, to the
Very High and Most Potent and Invincible Lord, Don
Carlos, August Emperor and King of Spain, Our Lord,
concerning the things transpired and very worthy of ad-
miration in the conquest and recovery of the very great and
marvellous city of Temixtitan, and of the other provinces
subject to it which had revolted. In which city and pro-
vinces the said Captain and Spaniards obtained great and
signal victories, worthy of perpetual memory. Likewise,
relation is made how the South Sea has been discovered;
and many other and great provinces, very rich in mines
of gold, and pearls, and precious stones, and information
is even had that there are spices.

Very High and Most Powerful Prince, Very Catholic
and Invincible Emperor, King and Lord. With Alonzo
de Mendoza, native of Medellin, whom I sent from this
New Spain on the fifth of March of the past year of 15 21,
I despatched a second account to Your Majesty of every-
thing that had happened here; this I finished writing
on the thirtieth of October of the year 1520, but on ac-
count of very contrary winds and the loss of three ships,
one of which I had prepared to send with the said account
to Your Majesty, and the two others to bring help from
the island of Hispaniola, there was much delay in the
said Mendoza' s departure, as I more fully wrote by him
to Your Majesty. In the closing part of that despatch

4 Letters of Cortes

I told Your Majesty how, after the Indians of Temixtitan
had expelled us by force, I had marched against the
province of Tepeaca, one of its vassals which had rebelled
against us, and that, with the Spaniards who remained,
and our friendly Indians, I had made war on them, and
reduced them to the service of Your Majesty. I also
said that the past treachery and the great sufferings and
deaths of the Spaniards were so fresh in our hearts, that
my determination was to return against the inhabitants
of that capital, who had been the cause of all ; that I had
begun to build thirteen brigantines, with which to do
them all the damage I could from the lake, if they perse-
vered in their wicked intention; that while the said
brigantines were being made, and we and the friendly
Indians were preparing ourselves to return against the
enemy, I had sent for reinforcements of people, and
horses, and artillery, and arms, to the island of Hispaniola,
where I had written regarding it to Your Majesty's
officials who reside there, sending them monies for the
necessary outlay and expenses. I also assured Your
Majesty that, till we were victorious over the enemy, I
would neither think of rest, nor would I cease to use all
possible solicitude to accomplish it, disregarding whatever
danger and hardship might overtake me; and that with
this determination I was preparing to leave the said
province of Tepeaca.

I likewise made known to Your Majesty how a caravel,
belonging to Francisco de Garay, Lieutenant Governor of
the island of Jamaica, had arrived in great distress at
the port of Vera Cruz, carrying about thirty men, who
said that two other ships had sailed for the river of
Panuco, where the natives had routed one of Francisco
de Garay's captains; and it was feared if these landed
there, that they would suffer injury from the natives
along the said river. I likewise wrote to Your Majesty
that I had immediately determined to send another

Third Letter 5

caravel in search of the said ships, to let them know what
had happened.

After writing this, it pleased God that one of these
ships should reach the port of Vera Cruz, on board of
which there was a captain with about a hundred and
twenty men. He learned there how Garay's former
party had been routed. The captain who was routed
assured them that they could not land at the river of
Panuco without sustaining much harm from the Indians.
While they still lay in the said port, with the determina-
tion to go to that river, a storm with violent wind arose
which drove the ship out to sea, breaking the cables, and
driving it into a port, called San Juan, twelve leagues
higher up the coast, where, after disembarking all the
people, and seven or eight horses, and as many mares
which they had brought, they beached the ship, which
leaked badly. As soon as this was made known to me,
I wrote to the captain immediately, telling him that I
was much grieved at what had happened to him, and that
I had sent orders to my lieutenant at Vera Cruz that
he and his people should be given a very good reception
and whatever they might need, and also to ascertain
their plans; and that, if all or any of them wished to
return in the ships which were lying there, he should
give them permission and facilitate their departure. The
captain and his men determined to remain, and join me,
but we know nothing about the other ships thus far, and,
as so long a time has already elapsed, we much doubt of
their being saved; may God have taken them to a good
port !

Being about to leave the province of Tepeaca, I learned
that two provinces, called Cecatami and Xalazingo, sub-
ject to the lord of Temixtitan, had rebelled, and on the
road from the city of Vera Cruz thither, which passes
that way, they had killed some Spaniards. To render
that road secure, and to administer chastisement to them

6 Letters of Cortes

in case they did not submit peaceably, I sent a captain
with twenty horsemen and two hundred foot soldiers,
ordering him, on the part of Your Majesty, to require
the natives of those provinces to submit peaceably as
vassals of Your Majesty, as they had done heretofore, and
to use all possible moderation with them; but, if they
would not receive him peaceably, to make war on them.
I told him when he had done that, and quieted these two
provinces, to return with his men to Tascaltecal, where I
would wait for him. He left in the beginning of the
month of December 1520, and pursued his road to those
provinces which were about twenty leagues distant.

Having despatched this business, Very Powerful Lord,
I left Segura de la Frontera, in the province of Tepeaca,
Departure at mid-December of that year, placing a
from captain with sixty men there because the

Tepeaca natives besought me greatly to do so; and
I sent all my people on foot to the city of Tascal-
tecal, where the brigantines were being built, which is
nine or ten leagues from Tepeaca, while I with twenty
horsemen went that day to sleep in the city of Cholula.
The inhabitants desired my coming on account of the
sickness of small-pox,1 which also affected the natives
of these countries, and those of the islands. Many of
their caciques having died from it, they desired that by
my action, and with their approval, others should be
appointed in their places. We were very well received
by them on our arrival, and, having finished this business
to their satisfaction in the manner I have stated, and
having explained to them my purpose to make war on the
province of Mexico and Temixtitan, I besought them, that,
inasmuch as they were vassals of Your Majesty, they
should stand firm in their friendship with us, as we would
with them till death. I besought them also to aid me

1 Said to have been introduced by a negro slave who came with
Panfilo de Narvaez (Torquemada, lib. iv., cap. lxxx.).

Third Letter 7

with people during the war, and to treat well the Span-
iards who would be coming and going through their
country, which as friends they were obliged to do. They
promised to do this, and having stayed two or three days
in their city, I left for Tascaltecal, a distance of six leagues,
and, on my arrival there, all the Spaniards and those of
the city met me with great rejoicing at my coming. The
next day all the chiefs of the city and provinces came
to speak to me, and told me how Magiscatcin, who was
the principal lord of all of them, had died of that illness,
the small-pox, and that they knew I would be much
grieved by it as he was my great friend. His son, about
twelve or thirteen years old, survived, to whom all the
lordship of his father now belonged, and they prayed me
to recognise him as his heir. And I in the name of Your
Majesty did this, at which all of them remained very
satisfied.

When I arrived in this city, I found that the master
workmen and carpenters had used great diligence with
the joining and planking of the brigantines, and that they
had accomplished a very reasonable amount of work. I
immediately arranged to send to Vera Cruz for all the
iron and nails they had there, together with the sails and
tackle and other needful things for them; and, as we had
no pitch, I ordered certain Spaniards to make it in a
neighbouring forest. All provisions for the brigantines
were thus ordered to be ready in time, so that, please
God, I might, on arriving in the province of Mexico and
Temixtitan, send for them from there, a distance of sixteen
leagues from the city of Tascaltecal. During the fifteen
days I remained there, I did nothing but urge on the
master workmen, and the preparation of arms for our
march.

Two days before Christmas, the captain, who had gone
to the provinces of Cecatami and Xalazingo, arrived
with the people on foot and horseback, and I learned

8 Letters of Cortes

how some of the natives had fought them, but that, at
the end, some of their free will, and some by compulsion,
had sued for peace. They brought me some lords of
those provinces, whom, notwithstanding that they were
entirely to blame for their rebellion and the death of the
Christians, I pardoned, because they promised me that
from henceforth they would be good and loyal vassals
of Your Majesty. Thus, that undertaking was finished,
in which Your Majesty was well served, not only in the
pacification of those natives, but also in insuring the
safety of all the Spaniards who will have to come and
go through these provinces, to and from the city of Vera
Cruz.

The second day after Christmas, I held a review in the
city of Tascaltecal, and found forty horsemen and five
Review of hundred and fifty foot-soldiers, eighty of
the Forces them cross-bowmen and musketeers, with
at Tlascala eight or nine field-pieces, but very little pow-
der. I divided the horsemen into four troops of ten
each, and formed nine captaincies of sixty Spanish
foot each. All being assembled for this review, I
spoke to them as follows : They already knew that they
and I had come to serve Your Sacred Majesty by set-
tling in this country; and they likewise knew how all
the natives of it had acknowledged themselves as vas-
sals of, Your Majesty, and how they had persevered
as such, receiving good deeds from us and we from
them, until, without any cause, all the inhabitants of
Culua including the people of the great city of Temix-
titan, and those of all the other provinces subject to it,
had revolted against Your Majesty; yet more, they had
killed many of our relatives and friends, and had ex-
pelled us from their country. That they should remember
how many dangers and hardships we had endured, and
how it was profitable to the service of God and Your
Catholic Majesty to return and recover what was left,

Third Letter 9

inasmuch as we had just causes and good reasons on our
side. One cause was because we fought for the spread
of our Faith, and against barbarians ; another was because
we served Your Majesty; another was for the security of
our lives; and another because we had many natives,
our friends, to help us. All these were strong motives
to animate our hearts; for the same reasons I told them
to cheer up and be brave. In the name of Your Ma-
jesty, I had made certain ordinances for maintaining
discipline and regulating the affairs of the war, which I
then immediately published. I enjoined them to like-
wise comply with these, because much service would be
rendered by so doing, to God, and Your Majesty. They
all promised to do so and to comply with them, declaring
they would very gladly die for our Faith and Your Ma-
jesty's service, or return to recover the loss, and revenge
so great a treachery as had been done by the people of
Temixtitan and their allies. I, in the name of Your
Majesty, thanked them for it. After this we returned
to our camp on the day after the review in good spirits.

The next day, which was the feast of St. John the
Evangelist, I had all the chiefs of the province of Tas-
caltecal assembled, and told them that they already knew
I was about to leave the next day to enter the country of
our enemies ; that they must see that the city of Temixtitan
could not be captured without the brigantines which
were being built, and that hence I prayed that they would
furnish everything necessary to the workmen and the
other Spaniards I left there, and would treat them well
as they had always treated us. I said also that they
should be prepared, if God should give us the victory,
whenever I should send from the city of Tasaico 1 for the
joinings, planks, and other materials for the brigantines,
to send them. They promised to do so, and they also
wished to send some warriors with me at once, declaring

i Texcoco.

io Letters of Cortes

that when the brigantines started they would go with
all their people, for they wished to die where I died, and
to revenge themselves on theCuluans their mortal enemies.

Next day which was the twenty-eighth of December,
the Feast of the Innocents, I left with all my people in
good order, and we marched six leagues from Tascaltecal
to a town called Tezmoluca, 1 belonging to the province
of Guajocingo, whose natives have always kept the
same friendship and alliance with us as the natives of
Tascaltecal; and there we rested that night.

In my other account, Very Catholic Sire, I said that I
had been informed that the natives of Mexico and
Temixtitan were preparing many arms, constructing
earth- works and fortifications, and gathering forces for
resisting our entrance into the country; for they already
knew that I intended to return against them. I was aware
of this, and knowing how dextrous and crafty they were
in matters of war, I many times pondered how we could
surprise them; for they knew that we had information
of three roads or entrances, by each of which we might
advance into their country. I determined to enter by
the road of Tezmoluca, because as its pass was the rough-
est and steepest of all, I felt sure that we would not
encounter much resistance there, nor would they be so
much on their guard.

The next day after the Feast of the Innocents, having
heard Mass, and recommended ourselves to God, we left
The March the town of Tezmoluca, I leading the van-
to Mexico guard, with ten horsemen, and sixty light
foot-soldiers, all able men of war. We pursued our
road, leading up to the pass with all possible order,
and sleeping four leagues from Tezmoluca on the
top of the pass which is already within the limits
of Culua. Although great cold prevailed, we made

1 Tezmulocan : present name is San Martin Tesmelucan, in the
state of Puebla.

Third Letter n

ourselves comfortable that night with large quantities
of wood we found there, and on the next morning,
a Sunday, we set out to follow our road, descending the
pass to the plain. I sent four horsemen and three or
four foot soldiers to reconnoitre the country, and, on
our march descending the pass, I ordered the horsemen
to go ahead and after them the archers and musketeers,
and thus the rest of the people in their order; because,
however unprepared we might take the enemy, we were
certain they would come to attack us on the road, having
some trap or other device prepared to injure us. As
the four horsemen and the four foot soldiers were ad-
vancing, they found the road obstructed by trees and
branches cut and thrown over it, with many large, thick
pines and cypresses, which seemed to have been but just
cut down; and, thinking the road further on might not
be so much obstructed, they continued ahead, but the
further they proceeded the more obstructed by pines
and cypresses they found it. The whole pass was well
wooded, and had many dense shrubs, so they marched
with much difficulty; and, seeing the road in that con-
dition, they became much alarmed, fearing that behind
each tree the enemy lurked. On account of the thick
woods, the horses could be little used, and the further
they proceeded the greater became their alarm.

When they had already gone some distance in this
manner, one of the four horsemen said to the others,
"Brothers, let us go no farther. If you agree, it would
be better to return, and inform the captain of the ob-
stacles we have found, and of the danger in which we
are, as we cannot make any use of the horses ; but if not,
let us go ahead inasmuch as I have offered my life till
death, as well as all of you, for accomplishing this march."
The others replied that this counsel was very good, but
it did not appear to them wise to return to me until they
had seen the enemy or ascertained how far the road went.

i2 Letters of Cortes

So they set out again, and, when they saw that it con-
tinued a long way, they halted, and sent one of the soldiers
to tell me what they had seen.

When I came up with the vanguard and the horsemen,
we pushed ahead on that bad road, recommending our-
selves to God ; and I sent to order those of the rear-guard
to hurry up and not be alarmed, as we would soon reach
level ground. When I joined the four horsemen, we
advanced in spite of many obstacles and difficulties.
After marching half a league, it pleased God we should
come down to level ground, where I halted to await
the people. These I told, when they arrived, that all
should give thanks to Our Lord, Who had brought us
safely thus far, whence we could first behold all the pro-
vinces of Mexico and Temixtitan which are on the lakes
and in their neighbourhood. Although we were glad at
beholding them, we felt some sorrow, remembering the
losses we had sustained, and we all vowed never to quit
the country without victory, even if we died there. With
this determination, we all advanced as merrily as if it
were a pleasure party. The enemy having already ob-
served us, instantly made many and great smoke signals
all over the country, so I again exhorted and cautioned
the Spaniards that they should behave as they had al-
ways done and as was expected of them, and that no one
should stray aside but all should march in good order
close together. Already the Indians began to yell at us
from some hamlets and small towns, calling on the entire
land for the people to assemble and attack us at some
bridges and difficult places near by there. We made
such haste, however, that we were already down in the
plain before they could collect; and, marching thus, we
met certain squadrons of Indians on the road in front
of us, and I ordered fifteen horsemen to break through
them, which they did without any loss to ourselves,
killing some of them with their lances. We followed on

(3^5) of an (T^)
ANCIENT TEMP1LE

Height feet

Tothe-TteUfirrn 114

2 3 -4 SjJ 7

^T>

PLAN OF MEXICO CITY

From The Conquest of Mexico, by Diaz del Castillo. Translated by Maurice Keatinge

Third Letter 13

our road towards the city of Tesaico [Texcoco], which
is one of the greatest and finest to be found in all these
parts, and, as the people on foot were somewhat tired,
and it was getting late, we slept in a town called Coate-
peque (which we found deserted) which is subject to the
city of Tesaico and three leagues distant from it.

That night we bore in mind that, as this city and its
provinces, called Aculuacan, is very great, and contains
many people, possibly more than a hundred and fifty
thousand men were ready at the time to attack us, so I,
with ten of the horsemen, took the watch and guard of the
first quarter, and ordered the people to be well on the
alert. The next day, which was Monday, the last of
December, we followed our road in the usual order, and
at a quarter of a league from the town of Coatepeque,
while we were all advancing amidst perplexity, discussing
with each other as to whether the Tesaicans would be
hostile or friendly, rather believing that it would be the
former, four principal Indians met us on the road bearing
a banner of gold on a pole, ! which weighed about four
marks of gold, giving us to understand by this sign that
they came peaceably; God only knows how much we
desired peace, and how much we stood in need of it, being
as we were so few and so cut off from help in the midst
of the forces of our enemies. When I saw the four
Indians, one of whom was known to me, I halted our
people and met them. After we had greeted one another,
they said they came on the part of the chief of that city
and province, who is called Guanacacin.2 They be-

1 This was the usual flag of truce. It was in the form of a square
of netting. Cortes, with Israelitish rapidity, calculated its money
value at four marks, and Bernal Diaz was equally quick at estimating
it to be worth eighty dollars: eight ounces went the mark.

2 Coanacochtzin succeeded his brother Cacamatzin who was
strangled by order of Cortes on the Sorrowful Night. He had long
aspired to his brother's crown, and, with his younger brother Ixtlil-
xochitl, shared in the betrayal of Cacamatzin when he was seized in

14 Letters of Cortes

sought me, on his part, to do no injury to his country
nor to permit any to be done; because the people of
Temixtitan were to blame for the past injuries I had
sustained and not they, and they wished to be Your
Majesty's vassals and my friends, as they would always
preserve our friendship; and they invited us to enter
the city, where by their deeds, we should recognise their
sincerity. I answered, after welcoming them through
the interpreters, that I rejoiced in their peace and friend-
ship, and that, though they excused themselves for the
war waged on me in the city of Temixtitan, they also
well knew that in certain of their subject towns, five
or six leagues from the city of Tesaico, they had killed
five horsemen, forty-five of my foot-soldiers, and more
than three hundred Indians of Tascaltecal, and had taken
much silver, gold, and other things from them; also that,
inasmuch as they could not excuse themselves from this
fault, the penalty would be the restoration of our prop-
erty; and that on this condition, — although they well
deserved death for having killed so many Christians, —
I would make peace with them, since they offered it to
me, but otherwise I would have to treat them with the
utmost severity. They answered that the lord and chief
of Temixtitan had taken all those things, but they would
search for what they could, and return it to me. They
asked me if I would come that day to the city, or would
lodge in one of the two towns similar to suburbs, called
Coatinchan and Guaxuta, f which extend unbrokenly for
about a league and a half from it. The latter, as it
transpired afterwards, was what they wished. I told
them that I would not stop until I reached the city of

his palace at Texcoco and carried by boat to Mexico. Ixtlilxochitl
had already met Cortes on the road from Tlascala to Tlepehuacan,
bearing likewise his flag of truce, and offering his friendship and
alliance.

1 Coatlinchan and Huexothla. From Chiantla and Texcoco the vil-
lages and haciendas extended in an unbroken succession to Coatepec.

Third Letter 15

Tesaico; and they said we would be welcome and they
would go ahead and prepare quarters for the Spaniards
and myself. On reaching these two towns, some of their
chiefs came out to meet us and bring us food.

About noon, we reached the body of the city where
they had prepared our quarters in a very large house,
which had belonged to the father of Guan- Cortes
acacin, lord of the said city. Before we Arrives at
entered our quarters, I assembled our people, Texcoco
and proclaimed by the public crier that no one under
penalty of death should leave the quarters without
my permission. The building was so large that
double the number of Spaniards could have lodged
comfortably in it. I did this so 'that [the natives of
the city might be reassured and return to their homes,
because it seemed to me that we did not see a tenth part
of the people usually found in the city, nor any women
and children; which was an alarming sign. On the day
we entered the city, which was New Year's Eve, I dis-
posed our quarters, and, still somewhat disquieted on
account of the few people, and seeing these so uneasy,
the thought struck us that they refrained from showing
themselves and going about the city on account of fear,
which somewhat quieted our apprehensions. Towards
evening, certain Spaniards mounted some lofty terraces,
from whence they could observe the whole town, and
they saw that all the natives were abandoning it, some
putting their effects in canoes (which they call acales)
on the lake, and others going up into the hills. Although
I immediately ordered their departure to be stopped, it
was already so late that night overtook us, and, as they
used such great haste, it was useless. Thus the chief
of the city, whom I longed, as for my salvation, to have
in my hands, escaped with many of the other chiefs to
the city of Temixtitan, which by the lake is six leagues
from there, taking away all their possessions. For this

1 6 Letters of Cortes

reason, and to save what they wanted, those messengers
had come to see me as I have said above, so as to delay
me somewhat, that upon entering the city I might do
them no harm; and that night they thus abandoned not
only us but also their city.

Three days thus elapsed in this city without any en-
counter with the Indians, for they neither dared to at-
tack us, nor were we disposed to go out far searching for
them, as my final intention was, that if ever they should
wish to come seeking peace, to receive them, and to always
require this of them. At this time the lords of Coatinchan,
Guaxuta, and Autengo, * which are three of their large
towns, and are, as I have said, incorporated and joined
to the said city, came, weeping, to ask me to pardon them
for having absented themselves from their country, say-
ing that they had never fought with me, at least not of
their own free will, and promising hereafter and hence-
forth to do all that I might command them in the name
of Your Majesty.2 I told them, through the interpreters,
that they had already known the good treatment I had
always shown them, and that, in leaving their country
and the rest, they had done wrong; but, inasmuch as they
promised to be our friends, they must inhabit their homes,
and bring back their wives and children, and I would
treat them according to their deeds. They went back,
as it seemed to us, not very well content.

When the lord of Mexico and Temixtitan, and all the
other lords of Culua (when this name of Culua is used it
must be understood as meaning all the country and
provinces of these parts subject to Temixtitan), knew
that the lords of these provinces had offered themselves
as vassals of Your Majesty, they sent them certain
messengers to tell them that they had behaved very

i Now called Tenango Tepopula.

2 These people came begging forgiveness for their part in the
former hostilities and offering assistance; thus one by one, the adjacent
cities and tribes abandoned the capital to its fate.

Third Letter 17

badly; and that, if they had done it from fear, they
should realise that the Culuans were many, and had
sufficient power to kill me and all the Spaniards and all
the Indians of Tascaltecal, which indeed they would very
soon accomplish; but that, if they had done it to save
their lands, they should abandon them and come to
Temixtitan, where they would receive larger and greater
towns for their residence. The chiefs of Coatinchan and
Guaxuta bound these messengers, and brought them to
me; and they immediately confessed that they had come
from the lords of Temixtitan, but that it had been to ask
those chiefs to act as mediators, since they were my
friends, in making peace between them and myself. But
the men of Guaxuta and Coatinchan denied this saying,
and added that the people of Mexico and Temixtitan
desired nothing but war. Although I believed they
spoke the truth, nevertheless, as I wished to entice the
people of the great city into friendship with us, because
on them depended peace or war with the other provinces
which had revolted, I ordered those messengers to be
liberated, and told them to have no fears, for I would
send them again to Temixtitan. I prayed them to
tell those lords that, although I had reason to do so, I
did not want war with them, but rather to be friends as
we had been before ; and in order to assure them still more
and to win them over to the service of Your Majesty,
I sent them word that I well knew that the principal
persons who had led them into the past war were already
dead ; that the past was the past, and that they ought not
to provoke the destruction of their lands and cities, as
I would be much distressed by it. With this I set the
messengers free, and they went away, promising to bring
me the answer. The lords of Coatinchan and Guaxuta
and I remained better friends on account of this good
action than before, and I pardoned them their past errors
and thus they left well satisfied.

VOL. IX. 2

1 8 Letters of Cortes

Having been seven or eight days in the city of Tesaico
without hostilities or any encounter, fortifying our
Destruction quarters, and ordering everything necessary
of for our defence, and for attacking the enemy,

IztaPalaPan and, seeing they did not attack me, I sal-
lied out from the city with two hundred Spaniards,
amongst whom were eighteen horsemen, thirty archers,
ten musketeers, and three or four thousand friendly
Indians. I followed the shore of the lake till we
reached the city called Iztapalapa, which is two
leagues by water from the great city of Temixtitan,
and six from Tesaico; it contains about ten thousand
households, and half, or even two-thirds, of it is built
on the lake. Its lord, Montezuma's brother, whom the
Indians, after the latter's death, had selected as sovereign,
was the leading one in making war on us, and expelling
us from the city. For this reason, as well as because I
had learned that the people of Iztapalapa were very
badly disposed towards us, I determined to march
against them. When their people perceived me, about
two leagues before arriving there, some warriors
immediately appeared on land, and others in canoes on
the lake; thus we advanced over those two leagues,
skirmishing, both with those on land and with those on
water, till we reached the said city. Almost two-thirds
of a league outside the town, they had opened a causeway,
which was like a dyke between the fresh and salt-water
lakes, as Your Majesty may see from the map of the city
of Temixtitan I have sent. When the dyke was opened
the water of the salt lake began to rush with great im-
petus into that of the fresh- water lake, although the two
lakes are more than half a league apart; while we, not
noticing the trap in our eagerness for victory, passed all
right and continued our approach, until we entered,
mixed up with the enemy, into the city. As they were
already warned of our approach, all the houses on land

Third Letter 19

were deserted, and all the people took refuge with their
property in the houses on the lake, and those who fled
also retreated to them, fighting us very stoutly. But
Our Lord was pleased to so strengthen His own that we
pursued them until we drove them into the water, some-
times breast high, and at other times swimming; and we
captured many of the houses in the water. More than
six thousand souls, men, women, and children of the
inhabitants, perished, for our Indian allies, seeing the
victory which God gave us, had the sole idea to kill right
and left.

As night came on, I collected my people, and set fire
to some of the houses; and, while they were burning, it
seemed that Our Lord inspired me, and recalled to my
mind the dyke I had seen on the road, and I figured to
myself what a great danger it was. I determined to leave
the city, it being already far into the night and quite
dark. When I reached the water, which may have been
about nine o'clock at night, it was so deep, and flowed
with such impetus, that we passed it running full tilt, but
some of our friendly Indians were drowned, and all the
plunder that had been taken in the city was lost. I
assure Your Majesty that, if we had not passed the water
that night, or had waited three hours more, none of us
would have escaped, because we should have been
surrounded by water, without having an outlet any-
where. When day broke, we saw that the water of
the one lake had filled that of the other and was run-
ning no more, and that all the salt lake was covered
with canoes filled with warriors, expecting to take us
there. I returned that day to Tesaico, fighting some-
times with those on the lake, though we could do
them little harm, as they would immediately retreat in
their canoes.

On arriving at Tesaico, I found the people I had left
there all safe, and without having had any encounter;

20 Letters of Cortes

and they were very glad at our coming and our victory.
The day after we arrived a Spaniard, who had been
wounded, died, and he was the first white man the In-
dians had killed in this campaign. The next day, certain
messengers, from the city of Otumba and four other cities
near to it, which are four or five leagues from Tesaico,
arrived in this city. They came to beg me to pardon
them for any fault of theirs in the past war, because all
the power of Mexico and Temixtitan gathered in Otumba
when we retreated routed, believing they could finish us.
The people of Otumba saw plainly that they could not
clear themselves from blame, although they excused
themselves, saying they had been commanded; but, to
incline me the more towards leniency, they told me that
the lords of Temixtitan had sent other messengers, asking
them to adhere to their party and not to conclude any
friendship with us, otherwise they would fall upon them
and destroy them. They declared, however, that they
would rather be vassals of Your Majesty, and obey my
commands. I answered that they knew very well how
blameworthy they were for what had happened, and, to
secure my pardon and belief in their professions, they
would first have to bring me, as prisoners, those messen-
gers of whom they spoke, and all the natives of Mexico and
Temixtitan who remained in their country; and that I
would not otherwise pardon them; and that they should
return to their homes with their people, and then prove
by their deeds that they were good vassals of Your
Majesty. Although we exchanged many other argu-
ments, they were unable to get anything else out of me,
and returned to their country assuring me they would
always do what I wished, and from henceforward they
have always been, and are, loyal and obedient in Your
Majesty's service.

In the other account, Very Fortunate and Most Ex-
cellent Prince, I told Your Majesty that, when they

Third Letter 21

routed and expelled me from the city of Temixti-
tan, I took with me the son and two daughters
of Montezuma, the lord of Tesaico, Cacamacin, guccessjon
his two brothers, and many other chiefs whom to the

I held prisoners, and that all of them had Throne of
been killed by the enemy (although they be-
longed to their own nation and some of them were their
chiefs), except two brothers of Cacamacin, who by a
happy chance were able to escape. When I reached
the province of Tascaltecal, one of these two brothers,
called Ipacsuchil,1 otherwise called Cucascacin, whom I
had already, in the name of Your Majesty and with the
approval of Montezuma, appointed lord of the city of
Tesaico and the province of Aculuacan, escaped, and
returned to the city of Tesaico, where they had elected
for chief another of his brothers called Guanacacin,2
whom I have above mentioned. It is said that he had
Cucascacin, his brother, killed in the following manner:
On his arrival in Tesaico, the guards seized him and in-
formed Guanacacin their lord, who communicated the
news to the lord of Temixtitan. As soon as the latter
heard that the said Cucascacin had come back, he could
not believe he had escaped from us, but suspected he
must have gone there in our interest to furnish us some
information ; so he immediately sent order to Guanacacin
to kill Cucascacin, his brother. Guanacacin obeyed
without delay. The younger of the brothers still re-
mained with me, and being quite a lad, our conversa-
tion made more impression upon him, and he became a
Christian, taking the name of Don Fernando.3 When

1 Cortes misses this name entirely; which is not to be wondered
at. as the boy was called Ahuaxpitcatzin.

2 Meaning Coanacochtzin.

3 He is described, by the historian Ixtlilxochitl, as being as
white as a Spaniard, tall, graceful, and of genial manners. He spoke
Castilian fluently, and almost every evening after supper he spent
much time in discussion with Cortes, who became very fond of him.

22 Letters of Cortes

I left the province of Tascaltecal for Mexico and Temix-
titan, I left him there with certain Spaniards, and I shall
relate hereafter to Your Majesty what afterwards hap-
pened there.

The day after my return from Iztapalapa to the city
of Tesaico, I determined to send Gonzalo de Sandoval, 1
aguacil mayor of Your Majesty, in command of twenty
horsemen, two hundred foot soldiers, musketeers, archers,
and shield bearers, for two very necessary objects : first,
to escort out of this province certain messengers I was
sending to the city of Tascaltecal to learn in what state
the thirteen brigantines, which were being made there,
were, and for some other necessary things, as well for the
people of Vera Cruz, as for my own company; and second,
to make sure of that region, so that the Spaniards might
come and go in safety; for at that time we could neither
go out of the province of Aculuacan without passing
through the enemy's country, nor could the Spaniards
in Vera Cruz and other parts, come to us without much
danger from the adversary. I ordered the aguacil
mayor, after having conducted the messengers safely,
to go to a province called Calco,2 bordering on this of
Aculuacan; for I had proofs that the natives of that
province, although belonging to the league of Culua,
wished to become vassals of Your Majesty but did not

This lad was placed on the throne of Texcoco, and Antonio de Villareal
and Pedro Sanchez Farfan had charge of his education, while Prince
Ixtlilxochitl, who had also been baptised under the name of Fernando,
had command of Texcocan military operations.

1 Already mentioned as alguacil mayor of Vera Cruz ; he was a
fellow townsman of Cortes from Medellin and one of the bravest and
most competent captains in Mexico, being also extremely popular
with his men, and always faithful to his commander. In temperament,
he was a happy contrast to Pedro de Alvarado. His death at an
early age, which took place in 1528 at Palos, was a great grief to Cortes,
who attended him in his last hours.

2 Chalco was tributary to Mexico but under a ruler of its own.

Third Letter 23

dare, on account of a certain garrison the Culuans had
placed near them.

The said captain left, taking with him all the Indians
of Tascaltecal who had carried our baggage, and others
who had come with us and had obtained some Sandoval's
plunder in the war. The latter marched some Expedition
distance ahead, as the Captain believed that, t0

if the Spaniards brought up the rear, the
enemy would not dare to attack them; but the ad-
versaries in the lake towns and along the coast, as
soon as they saw them, attacked the rear of the Tas-
caltecans and captured, plundered, and even killed some
of them. When the captain arrived with the horsemen
and foot soldiers, he attacked them vigorously with
lances, and killed many; those who escaped retreated to
the water and the other towns near by. The Indians of
Tascaltecal went back to their country with what re-
mained to them, accompanied by the messengers I had
sent. All these being placed in safety, Gonzalo de San-
doval continued his road to the province of Calco, which
was very near at hand. Early next morning a large
number of the enemy came out to attack him, and, both
having formed on the field, our men opened the attack;
the horsemen routed two squadrons in such wise that
the others quickly abandoned the field, and our forces
burned and killed amongst them.

This being accomplished, and that road cleared, the
people of Calco came out to receive the Spaniards, all
rejoicing together greatly. The chiefs said they wished
to come and speak with me, so they left and came to
sleep at Tesaico, where some of them appeared before
me with two of the sons of the lord of Calco. They gave
me about three hundred dollars of gold in pieces and told
me how their father had died, and that, at the time of his
death, he had told them that the greatest grief he took
with him was not to see me before he died, for he had been

24 Letters of Cortes

expecting me a long time; and he had commanded them to
come and see me as soon as I should come to this province,
and to look upon me as their father. As soon as they
had known of my coming to the city of Tesaico, they
said that they had wished to come immediately to see me,
but, out of fear of the Culuans, they had not dared; nor
would they now have dared to come had the captain
whom I had sent not arrived in their country; they
added that, when they returned to it, I must give them
many other Spaniards to conduct them in safety. They
also told me that I well knew that never, either in war
or otherwise, had they been against me, and that I also
well knew that, when the Culuans were attacking our
quarters in Temixtitan and the Spaniards whom I had
left there while I went to meet Narvaez in Cempoal, there
were two Spaniards in their country in charge of certain
maize which I had sent them to collect ; they had escorted
these men to the province of Guaxocingo, for they knew
that the people there were our friends, so that the Culuans
might not kill them as they did all who were outside the
quarters in Temixtitan. They told me this and other
things, weeping, and I thanked them very much for their
good disposition and deeds, promising them that I would
always do everything they desired and that they should
be well treated. Thus far they have always shown /ery
good will, and have proved very obedient to all that is
commanded them on the part of Your Majesty.

These sons of the lord of Calco and those who came
with them told me one day that, as they wished to return
to their country, they besought me to give them people
who would conduct them in safety. Gonzalo de San-
doval, with certain horsemen and foot soldiers, escorted
them, with orders after he had left them in their country,
to go to the province of Tascaltecal and bring back with
him certain Spaniards who were there, and Don Fernando,
the brother of Cacamacin, whom I have mentioned

Third Letter 25

before. Four or five days later the aguacil mayor re-
turned with the Spaniards, bringing with him the said
Don Fernando. A few days afterwards, I learned that, as
he was a brother of the lords of this city, the sovereignty
belonged to him, although there existed other brothers.
For this reason, and because the province was without
a ruler, inasmuch as his brother Guanacacin, the lord of
it, had deserted it and gone to Temixtitan, and also
because Don Fernando was a very good friend of the
Christians, I, in Your Majesty's name, caused him to be
acknowledged as ruler. The inhabitants of this city,
although at that time there were very few left in it, elected
him, and thenceforward obeyed him; many others who
were absent, or who had fled, began to return to the city
and province of Aculuacan, and they obeyed and served
the said Don Fernando; and thenceforward the city
began to be rebuilt and well populated.

Two days after this was done, the lords of Coatinchan
and Guaxuta came, and told me they had positive in-
formation that all the power of Culua would come against
me and the Spaniards, for the whole country was full of
foes ; and that they could not decide whether they should
bring their wives and children where I was or if they
should take them to the mountains; for they were very
much afraid. I told them not to be at all afraid, but
to stay in their homes without making any change, adding
that I desired nothing so much as to meet the Culuans
on the battle field. I advised them to be prepared, and
to place their watchmen and scouts over all the country,
and, as soon as they saw or learned that the adversaries
were advancing, to let me know. So they went away
well admonished as to what I had commanded them.
That night I prepared all our force, and placed many
watchmen and scouts everywhere that was needful;
and we never slept the whole night nor thought of any-
thing but this. Thus we were expecting them during

26 Letters of Cortes

the whole night, believing what the chiefs of Guaxuta
and Coatinchan had told us.

The next day, I learned that some of the enemy were
moving about the borders of the lake, hoping to sur-
prise and capture some of the Tascaltecans who were
coming and going for the camp service. I also learned
that they had confederated with two towns, subject to
Tesaico, which are near the water, in order to do us all
the mischief they could ; and that they had fortified them-
selves, and prepared barricades, ditches, and other works
necessary for their defence. "Upon learning this, I took
next day twelve horsemen and two hundred foot soldiers
and two small field pieces, and went to the place where
they were, about a league and a half from the city. On
the way, I met certain of the enemy's spies and others
who were advancing, so we charged them, capturing
and killing some of them, and those who were left escaped
to the water; we set fire to a part of those towns and
returned to our quarters victorious and much pleased.
The next day three chiefs of those towns came to ask
pardon for what had passed, beseeching us not to destroy
them, and promising me not to receive those of Temixtitan
any more in their town. As they were persons of no
importance, and vassals of Don Fernando, I pardoned
them in Your Majesty's name.

The next day, there came to me certain of those Indians,
with broken and bruised heads, telling me that the men
of Mexico and Temixtitan had returned to their town,
but, not meeting with the reception to which they were
accustomed, had ill-treated the inhabitants and taken
some of them prisoners, and that, if no defence had been
offered, they would have captured everything. They
prayed me to be on the alert, in case those of Temixtitan
returned, so as to give them help; and with this they
departed to their town.

The people whom I had left making the brigantines

Third Letter 27

in the province of Tascaltecal were informed that a ship
had arrived at the port of Vera Cruz, in which Reinf0rce.
had come thirty or forty Spaniards (besides ments
the sailors), eight horses, cross-bows, muskets, Arrive at
and powder. As they did not know how a ruz
we were progressing with the war, and had no sure
way to reach us, they were anxious; and some of the
Spaniards were waiting there, for they did not dare
to come on, although they desired to bring me such
good news. When one of my servants, whom I had left
there, learned that some of them wished to try to reach
me, he proclaimed, by the public crier, serious penalties
for anyone who should leave there until I had sent orders
to do so. But one of my lads, realising that nothing in
the world would give me so much pleasure as to know
of the arrival of that ship and the help it had brought,
left by night, although the country was not safe, and came
to Tesaico, where we were greatly amazed to see him
arrive alive. We were very glad of the news, as we were
in extreme need of relief.

The same day, Most Catholic Lord, certain good
messengers from Calco arrived here in Tesaico, and told
me that, on account of their having come to offer them-
selves as vassals of Your Majesty, Mexico and Temixtitan
were about to attack and destroy them, and were there-
fore assembled, and had prepared all their neighbours;
hence they besought me to help and aid them in such
great necessity, for, if I did not do so, they would find
themselves in the greatest straits. I assure Your Majesty,
as I wrote in my former account, that next to our own
hardships and privations, the greatest uneasiness I felt
was caused by not being able to aid and favour the friendly
Indians who were molested and harassed by the Culuans
for being vassals of Your Majesty. I and my companions
would always go to the extent of our possibilities in this,
as it seemed to us that in nothing could we further the

28 Letters of Cortes

service of Your Caesarean Majesty more than in favouring
and aiding Your vassals. In the emergency in which
these Calcans appealed to me, I was unable to do for
them what I wished, and I told them I could not, as at
this season I had wished to send for the brigantines and
had prepared, for this purpose, all the people of the pro-
vince of Tascaltecal, from whence they had to be brought
in pieces, and I was obliged to send horsemen and foot
soldiers for them. I told them, however, that as they
already knew that the natives of Guajocingo, Churultecal,
and Guacachula, were all vassals of Your Majesty and our
friends, they should go to them and pray them in my
name to give them aid and succour, as they lived very
near to their country, and to obtain from them a garrison
with whom they might be safe till I could aid them.
For the present, I said, I was unable to give them any
other assistance.

Although they were not as well satisfied as if I had
given them some Spaniards, they thanked me, and begged
me to give them a letter of mine to ensure greater success ;
because between the people of Calco and those two pro-
vinces owing to their being of different parties, there
had always existed some differences. While occupied in
making these arrangements, certain messengers unex-
pectedly arrived from the said provinces of Guajocingo
and Guacachula, who, in the Calcans' presence, told how
the chiefs of those provinces had not seen or heard of
me since I left the province of Tascaltecal, but, neverthe-
less, had always kept their watchmen on the hills and
mountains which border their country and overlook
Mexico and Temixtitan, in order that, if they saw many
smokes, which are the signals of war, they might come
to help me with their vassals and people; and, as they had
recently seen more smoke than ever, they had come to
know how I was and if I needed anything, so as to send
me some warriors. I thanked them very much, and

Third Letter 29

told them that, by Our Lord's blessing, the Spaniards
and myself were well and had always been victorious
over the enemy, and that, besides greatly rejoicing in
their good will and presence, I rejoiced still more to form
an alliance of friendship between them and the Calcans
who were present; and I prayed them, as they were both
vassals of Your Majesty, to become good friends and help
one another against the Culuans who were wicked and
perverse, especially now when the Calcans were in need
of aid as the Culuans intended to attack them. Thus
they became very good friends and confederates, and,
after remaining there two days with me, both departed
very happy and satisfied, and rendered one another
mutual service.

Three days later, when we knew that the brigantines
had been completed and the people who were to bring
them were ready, I sent Gonzalo de Sandoval,
alguacil mayor with fifteen horsemen and two the

hundred foot soldiers to escort them to me. Murdered
I gave orders to destroy and raze a large Spaniards
town, subject to this of Tesaico, which borders on the
confines of the province of Tascaltecal, because its
natives had killed five horsemen and forty-five foot
soldiers who were coming from Vera Cruz to Temixtitan
when I was besieged there, ignorant at the time that such
a great treachery had been practised against us. When
we entered Tesaico this time, we found in their places
of worship or mosques of the city the skins of five horses
with their hoofs and shoes, as well tanned as they could
have been in any part of the world. They had offered
these to their idols in token of victory, together with much
wearing apparel and other things belonging to the Span-
iards. We found the blood of our brothers and com-
panions spilled and sacrificed all about these towers and
mosques, a thing which filled us with grief, for all our
past tribulations were thus revived. The traitors of that

30 Letters of Cortes

and the other neighbouring towns had placed themselves
in ambush on each side of a difficult pass in order to make
sure of those Christians when they were descending a
slope on foot, leading their horses behind so that they
were unable to use them, and to execute upon them the
greatest cruelty that has ever been done; for they took
them in the midst killing some, while others, whom they
captured alive, they brought to Tesaico and sacrificed,
tearing out their hearts before the idols. That it hap-
pened thus, is proved by the fact that, when the alguacil
mayor passed there, certain Spaniards who had accom-
panied him, found in a house of a village which is between
Tesaico and the place where they captured and killed
the Christians, a white wall on which the following words
were written in charcoal: "Here the unhappy Juan
Yuste was kept a prisoner.1 A thing fit without doubt
to break the heart of those who saw it. He was a gentle-
man, one of the five horsemen. When the alguacil mayor
arrived at that town, the natives, conscious of their great
guilt, fled, and the horsemen and Spanish foot soldiers
and the friendly Indians pursued and killed many and
captured many women and children who were declared
slaves. However, moved by compassion, he did not kill
and destroy all whom he might have, and before he left
there he even collected those who survived and restored
them to their town, so it is now populated again and
repentant of the past.

The alguacil mayor proceeded five or six leagues
towards that town of Tascaltecal which is nearest to
the borders of Culua, and there he met the Spaniards

1 Juan Yuste came originally with Panfilo de Narvaez, passing
later into service under Cortes. He started with five horsemen and
twenty-five foot to bring some gold from Vera Cruz, and at Tlascala
he was joined by three hundred natives. Ignorant of the events which
had followed upon Alvarado's massacre in Mexico, he and his party
proceeded with entire confidence, and were surprised with the con-
sequences Cortes describes.

Third Letter 31

and the people who were to bring the brigantines. The
day after he arrived they left there with the planks
and cross timbers, all of which were carried Transport
in the most perfect order by eight thousand of the

men; a marvellous sight to see, and it seems Brigantines
to me even to hear of, the bringing of thirteen small
ships overland a distance of about eighteen leagues.
I assure Your Majesty that from the vanguard to
the rear was a distance of two leagues. When they
set out, they took eight horsemen and a hundred Span-
iards with the van, and more than ten thousand warriors
on the flanks, having as captains Yutecad and Teutipil,1
two chiefs amongst the nobles of the city of Tascaltecal.
In the rear-guard, came another hundred odd Spaniards
and eight horsemen, and another ten thousand warriors
well armed, who had for captain, Chichimecatecle,
one of the principal lords of that Province; there were also
other captains the latter had brought with him. When
they started out, Chichimecatecle escorted the van with
the planking, and the other two captains brought up the
rear with the joinings ; but when they entered the country
of Culua the masters of the brigantines ordered the
joinings to be taken ahead and the plankings to remain
behind; as the latter would cause the most hindrance
should any disturbance happen, which would most likely
occur in the front. Chichimecatecle, who brought the
planking, and until now had led his warriors at the head
of the vanguard, took this as an affront, and there was
some trouble in pacifying him and making him remain
in the rear-guard, because he wished to meet any danger
that might present itself. When finally he did agree to
this, he nevertheless did not want any Spaniards in
the rear-guard, because he was a very brave man and
wished to have the honours himself. These captains also
brought two thousand Indians carrying provisions.
1 Aiutecatl and Teutepil.

32 Letters of Cortes

In this order and agreement, they marched three days,
and, on the fourth, they entered this city with much
rejoicing and noise of kettle-drums when I went out to
receive them. As I said above, the people were so spread
out that from the entrance of the first until the last had
arrived we spent six hours without the line of people
being once broken.1 After they had arrived, and I had
thanked the chiefs for the good service they had done
us, we assigned them their quarters and provided for
them the best we could. They told me they wished to
meet the Culuans and that I should see when I com-
manded it that they and their people were desirous of

1 History hardly records a greater tour de force than the con-
struction, transport, and launching of these brigantines: the glory
of the conception belongs to Cortes, but the merit of its execution
was due to the Tlascalans. Martin Lopez, a ship-carpenter, was in
charge of the work, assisted by a few other Spaniards, but the brunt
of the work and the cost were borne by the Tlascalans.

Prescott recalls two instances of similar undertakings but on a
smaller scale with less distance to cover : the first was during the siege
of Taranto by Hannibal, and the second at the same place, seventeen
centuries later under Gonsalvo de Cordoba. Balboa also built four
small boats on the isthmus of Darien, two of which he succeeded in
carrying to the coast and launching successfully. For magnitude of
the undertaking, distance of transport, number of men engaged, with
no beasts of burden to help them, and the importance of the issue at
stake, the achievement of Cortes and the Tlascalans stands alone. The
arrival of the convoy at Texcoco was rightly made the occasion of a
triumphal entry, to the sound of music and salutes, while the crowds
enthusiastically cheered for Castile and Tlascala. It was found
necessary to build a canal in which to join the parts of the brigantines
together, and from which to launch them safely on the waters of the
lake. In the Voyage de Thomas Gage, the author, who travelled in
Mexico in 1626, says that, as the tallow and oil required in the ship
building were very scarce in Texcoco, they were obtained from the dead
bodies of the Indians slain in the daily skirmishes. As the fat of dead
Indians was found useful for dressing wounds, there is no reason why
it should not do equally well as ship's tallow. Cortes had previously
built two brigantines on the lake, bringing the cordage, sails, and iron,
from the dismantled ships in Vera Cruz, just to show Montezuma what
the "water houses" were like, but he had also counted on using them
in case of need; they had, however, been destroyed during the fighting
with Alvarado, while Cortes was absent.

Third Letter 33

avenging themselves or dying with us; I told them to
rest and that very soon I would give them plenty to do.

When those warriors of Tascaltecal, who were certainly
for hereabouts very dashing men, had rested in Tesaico
three or four days, I prepared twenty-five horsemen,
three hundred foot soldiers, five hundred archers and
musketeers, and six small field pieces, and, without
telling anyone where we were going, I left the city
at nine o'clock in the morning. With me were the
captains already named, with more than thirty thousand
in their divisions, well organised after their fashion. When
it was getting late, we met a body of the enemy's war-
riors four leagues from the city, and our horsemen broke
through them and scattered them and, as the warriors of
Tascaltecal were very fleet, they followed, and we killed
many of our adversaries; and that night we slept in the
field, keeping strict watch.

The next morning, we continued our march, and still
I had not given out where I intended to go, because I
distrusted some of the people of Tesiaco who were with
us, for as yet I had no confidence in them, fearing that
they might give information to the people of Mexico and
Temixtitan of what I intended to do. We arrived at a
town called Xaltoca,1 which is situated in the midst of
the lake, and we found around it many trenches full of
water and, as these surrounded the town, it was very
strong because the horsemen could not enter. Our
adversaries yelled a great deal, discharging darts and
arrows at us, but the foot soldiers entered, although
with some difficulty, and expelled them, and burnt a
great part of the town. That night, we slept a league
from there, and as day broke we continued our march,
meeting the enemy who yelled at us from afar, as they
are accustomed to do in war, a thing which is certainly

1 Xatlocan : a place near Zumpango surrounded by a lake of the
same name: it was a dependency of Texcoco.
VOL. 11.— 3

34 Letters of Cortes

frightful to hear, and, pursuing them, we reached a great
and beautiful city, called Guaticlan ; * finding it deserted,
we lodged in it that night.

The next day, we advanced to another city, called
Tenainca,2 where we encountered no resistance, and
Cortes without halting we went on to another, called
Advances Acapuzalco,3 both of which are on the borders
toTacuba 0f the iake; ^nt neither did we stop there
as I wished very much to reach another city near by,
called Tacuba, which is very near to Temixtitan.
When we were close to it, we found that there also
they had made many trenches filled with water, and
that the enemy was on the lookout. As soon as
we saw them, we and our friends attacked them briskly,
and entered the city, killing some and expelling the other
inhabitants from it. As it was already late then, we did
nothing else that night, but lodged in a house which was so
large that we easily had room for everybody.

At daybreak, our friendly Indians began to pillage and
set fire to the whole city except our quarters, and they
put such diligence into it that a fourth part was burnt.
This was done because, when we were routed the other
time in Temixtitan and passed through this city, its
inhabitants joined those of Temixtitan and fought us
cruelly, killing many Spaniards.

Of the six days we remained in the city of Tacuba,
none passed on which we had not some encounters
and skirmishes with the enemy. The captains of the
Tascaltecans, and some of their men,, exchanged many
challenges with those of Temixtitan, and they would fight
most beautifully one with the other; and many arguments
passed between them, with mutual threats and insults,

* Cuauhtitlan, three leagues from Mexico.

2 Tenayucan.

3 Atzcapotzalco, barely one league from Mexico ; called the town of
Silversmiths as it was famous for its metal work.

Third Letter 35

which was undoubtedly a sight to see. During all this
time, many of the Indians were killed, without any of our
people being injured, though we often entered by the
causeways and bridges of the city, where they had so
many defences that they resisted us stoutly. Frequently
they would pretend to give us a chance to enter, saying :
"Come in and enjoy yourselves, " and at other times they
would say : ' * Do you think there is now another Monte-
zuma, so that you can do as you please?" Once, while
these speeches were passing, I placed myself, they
being on the other side, near one of the bridges they had
taken away, and signalled to our people to remain quiet ;
and they also, when they saw that I wished to speak
to them, silenced their people. I then asked them, why
they were so foolish as to court destruction? and, if there
was amongst them any principal chief, to call him be-
cause I wished to speak to him. They answered that
the whole multitude of warriors I saw there were chiefs
so that I might say whatever I wished. As I did not
make answer, they began to insult me. Someone of our
men, I do not know who, then called to them that they
would die of hunger, for we would not allow them to come
out to seek for food; they retorted that they needed none,
and that when they did they would eat us and the Tas-
caltecans. One of them took some loaves of maize bread
and threw them towards us saying: "Take it and eat it
if you are hungry for we are not"; and immediately they
began to yell and attack us.

As my coming to this city of Tacuba had been prin-
cipally in order to speak with those of Temixtitan, and
to learn their intention, and as my being there profited
nothing, I decided, at the end of six days, to return to
Tesaica and hasten the construction of the brigantines,
so as to surround the enemy by water and land. The day
we left, we slept in the city of Goatitan, which I have
mentioned above, nor did the enemy ever cease pursuing

36 Letters of Cortes

us, though the horsemen would turn against them from
time to time, and thus some fell into our hands.

The next day, we set out, and, as our adversaries saw
we were leaving, they thought it was from fear, and a
great number gathered and began to pursue us. When
I saw this, I ordered the foot soldiers to go ahead without
stopping, and five horsemen to accompany them, as their
rear-guard, while I remained with twenty others. Six
of these I ordered to place themselves in ambush in one
place, six in another, and five in another, while I, with
three more, went to another place ; and it was arranged
that when the enemy had passed, believing that we were all
marching ahead, as soon as they should hear me cry,
"Senor Santiago!" they should rush out and attack from
behind. When the time came, we appeared, and fell
upon them with our spears, and the pursuit lasted in
most beautiful style for about two leagues over a plain
as smooth as the palms of our hands. Thus many perished
at our hands and at those of the friendly Indians; and
the others dropped behind and pursued us no further,
while we marched on and overtook our people. That
night we slept in a charming town called Aculman, two
leagues from Tesaico, for which we left the next day,
entering it at noon, and being very well received by the
alguacil mayor whom I had left in command, and by
all the people, who rejoiced at our coming; especially
so because, since the day we left, they had never heard
anything of us or of what had happened to us, and they
had been anxious for news of us. The day after we
arrived, the chiefs and captains of Tascaltecal, asking
my permission, left for their country very well satisfied
to receive a share of the spoils.

Two days after my return to Tesaico, certain Indian
messengers came from the lords of Calco, and told me that
they had been commanded to let me know, on their part,
that the people of Mexico and Temixtitan were com-

Third Letter 37

ing to destroy them, and asked me, as they had on other
occasions, to send them some help. I immediately ar-
ranged to send Gonzalo de Sandoval, with Sandoval>s
twenty horsemen and three hundred foot sol- victories in
diers, whom I charged to make all haste and tne Province
on arriving to give all the favour and help of Cbalco
possible to those vassals of Your Majesty, our friends
When he reached Calco, he found awaiting him a
great many people, assembled, not only from that pro-
vince, but also from Guajocingo and Guacachula; after
ordering what was to be done, he left, taking his march
towards a town called Guastepeque,1 where the Culuans
were in garrison and from which place they did harm
to the Calcans. At a town on the road, many of our
foes appeared, but our friends were many and had be-
sides the advantage of the Spaniards and horsemen;
and all united and charged upon them and drove them
from the field, pursuing them with great slaughter. They
rested for the night in that town before Guastepeque
and the next day they left. Just as they were about
to reach the town of Guastepeque, the Culuans began to
attack the Spaniards, who in a short time routed them,
forcing them with great loss out of the town. The
horsemen then dismounted in order to feed their horses
and rest themselves. While thus off their guard, the
enemy fell upon the square of the quarters, screaming and
yelling most fiercely, discharging many stones and darts
and arrows. The Spaniards took to their arms, and they
and our friends rushed out against them and expelled
them again, pursuing them for more than a league, and
killing many. Very tired, they returned that night to
Guastepeque where they rested for two days.

About this time the alguacil mayor learned that many
hostile warriors had assembled in a town called Aca-

1 Huaxtepec.

38 Letters of Cortes

pichtla,1 so he determined to go thither and see if they
would surrender peaceably upon his demand. This town
was very strongly situated upon a hill where it could
not be attacked by the horsemen. When the Spaniards
arrived, the inhabitants, without waiting for anything,
began to attack them, throwing stones on them from
the heights; and, although many of our friends accom-
panied the alguacil mayor, they dared not attack the
town, seeing its strength, nor engage their adversaries.
The alguacil mayor, on seeing this, determined to take the
heights of the town by assault or die, and, with the cry
of "Seflor Santiago!" 2 they began the ascent; and God
was pleased to give them such valour that, in spite of the
resistance it offered, they took it, but at the cost of many
wounded. When the Indians, our friends, followed
them, and the enemy recognised their defeat, there was
such a slaughter by our people and a throwing of the
foe from the heights, that those who were present affirmed
that a small river near the town was so dyed with blood
that for more than an hour they could not drink, al-
though on account of the heat they were very much in

1 Ayachapichtla ; Sandoval was not disposed to attack because
of his own extreme weariness, and the exhausted condition of his men
and horses, but the captain Luis Marin counselled him on no account
to withdraw, as upon the Chalcans, who were watching only to see
which side was the stronger in order to give their alliance to the victor,
the moral effect would be bad.

2 Santiago (St. James) was the patron Saint of Spain, and from
the times of the Moorish wars his name had been their battle cry.
Bernal Diaz naively relates that this battle was fought and won by the
Indians of Tlascala and Chalco, the Spaniards being more interested
in capturing Indian women and collecting booty than in slaying the
enemy, adding also that the cruelties of the Indians were so shocking
that the Spaniards tried to save the enemy from their own allies.
Bernal Diaz attacks Gomara's account of the stream being red with
blood, and says that, while some wounded Mexicans did make their
way down to the water, in seeking to escape, and it may have been
discoloured for the length of time required to say an "Ave Maria, " it
is untrue that anyone suffered from thirst on that account, as the town
possessed several fountains of the finest water.

Third Letter 39

want of water. Having concluded this, and leaving the
two towns in peace, though well chastised for their re-
fusal at the beginning, the alguacil mayor returned to
Tesaico with all his people, and Your Catholic Majesty
may believe that this was a most signal victory, where
the Spaniards showed \ery remarkable valour.

When the people of Mexico and Temixtitan learned
that the Spaniards and Calcans had done them such
damage, they determined to send certain captains with a
large force against them. 1 As soon as the Calcans learned
this, they sent to beseech me to send them some aid
with all haste, and I again promptly sent the alguacil
mayor, with foot soldiers and horsemen; but when he
arrived the Culuans and the Calcans had already met in
the field and both had fought very stoutly. God was
pleased, however, that the Calcans should triumph, and
they killed many of their adversaries, and captured some

1 Bernal Diaz relates that Quauhtemotzin was so enraged when
he heard of the defection of the Chalcans and of the hostilities against
him, in which they had taken part with the Spaniards, that he de-
spatched a force of twenty thousand warriors against them, which
was transported across the lake in two thousand canoes. Sandoval
had barely got back to Texcoco and had not even had time to make
his report to the commander, when an express arrived from Chalco
with the news that things were in a worse state than ever. Cortes,
hastily assuming that Sandoval had returned too soon, leaving his
mission only half accomplished, fell into a rage, and ordered Sandoval's
instant return to Chalco, without hearing a word of what he had to say
in explanation. Sandoval was so much hurt at this injustice that
on his second return to Texcoco bringing the prisoners, he would have
nothing to say to Cortes in spite of the latter's apologies and protests.
The two men did afterwards make up this quarrel, and became as
good friends as ever. There was also much grumbling over the par-
tition of the slaves; first His Majesty's fifth was deducted, then the
fifth belonging to Cortes, then the officers took their shares, so that
by the time it came to allotting any to the soldiers there was not much
of any value left. Bernal Diaz says that those who were in favour
with Cortes, bought their slaves privately and had them branded,
paying the price to him: many slaves also escaped or disappeared, but
the soldiers were credited with their value, which was charged against
them in the division of the spoils.

40 Letters of Cortes

forty of them, amongst whom was a Mexican captain
and two other chiefs whom the Calcans delivered to the
alguacil mayor to be brought to me. He sent me some
of them and others he kept because, for the greater se-
curity of the Calcans he, with all the people, remained
in one of their towns on the frontier of Mexico. Later,
when there seemed to him no further need for his re-
maining, he returned to Tesaico and brought with him
the other prisoners who had remained in his hands.
Meanwhile we had many other encounters and skirmishes
with the natives of Culua, which to avoid prolixity I do
not specify.

As the road between Vera Cruz and this city of Tesaico
was safe for travelling to and fro, the people of that city
Reinforce- ^a(^ news °f us every day and we of them,
ments which before was not possible. They sent me
Arrive at by a messenger some crossbows and muskets
era ruz an(^ pOW(jer which pleased us greatly; and
two days after, they sent me another messenger by
whom they made known that three ships1 had arrived
at the port bringing many people and horses, whom
they would immediately send on to me, — aid which
God miraculously sent us in proportion to our need.

I have always sought, Most Powerful Lord, to win the
people of Temixtitan to our friendship by every way and
means I could; on the one hand because I did not wish
them to provoke their own destruction, and on the other
in order to rest from the hardships of all the past wars;
but principally because I knew it would conduce to Your
Majesty's service. Whenever I could lay hold of anyone
from the city, I would send him back to it, admonishing
and requiring the inhabitants to come to terms of peace.

1 Bernal Diaz speaks of but one ship, on board which came
Julian de Alderete, royal treasurer; also Fray Pedro Melgarejo de
Urrea, a Franciscan, of whom further mention will be made, and
many others. The welcome news was brought that Juan de Fonseca,
the Bishop of Burgos, was out of favour with the Emperor.

Third Letter 41

On Holy Wednesday, which was the twenty-seventh
of March of the year 1521, I had brought before me those
chiefs of Temixtitan who had been taken by the Calcans.
I asked if any of them would go to the city and
speak on my part to the lords of it, and ask them to stop
fighting and give themselves as vassals of Your Majesty
as they had before done; for I did not wish to destroy
them but to be their friends. Although they took it
badly, fearing they would be killed for bringing that
message, two of the prisoners determined to go, and
asked me for a letter, for, though they did not understand
what was in it, they knew that amongst us it was cus-
tomary, and that by taking it the people of the city
would give them credence. I explained also through
the interpreters what I wrote in the letter, which was
what I had told them. So they left, and I ordered five
horsemen to accompany them till they were in safety.

On Holy Saturday, the Calcans and some of their allies
and friends sent to tell me that the Mexicans were march-
ing against them, and they showed me on a large white
cloth a drawing of all the towns which were to march,
and the roads by which they were coming; and they be-
sought me at all costs to send them help. I answered
them that within four or five days I would send it, but if
meanwhile they found themselves in straits they should
let me know and I would aid them. On the third day
of the Feast of the Resurrection, they came back to beg
me to send help as quickly as possible as the enemy was
advancing steadily. I told them I would and announced
that for the following Friday twenty-five horsemen and
three hundred foot-soldiers should be ready.

The Thursday before, certain messengers came to
Tesaico from the provinces of Tazapan, Mascalcingo,
and Nautan, * and from other cities in their neighbour-
hood, telling me that they came to give themselves as

1 Tozopan, Mexicalzingo, and Nautlan.

42 Letters of Cortes

vassals of Your Majesty and to be our friends, as they
had never killed any Spaniards nor rebelled against
Your Majesty's service. They brought me certain pieces
of cotton cloth for which I thanked them, and promised
them that if they were good, they would receive good
treatment; so they went away very well content.

The Friday following, which was the fifth of April
of the said year 152 1, I left this city of Tesaico, with the
Cortes thirty horsemen and three hundred footmen
Takes who had been equipped, leaving in it twenty

the Field other horsemen and three hundred footmen
under the command of Gonzalo de Sandoval, the al-
guacil mayor. More than twenty thousand men of
Tesaico went with me, and we marched in good
order and slept in a town in Calco, called Talman-
alco, * where we were well received and quartered.
Since the Calcans became our friends, they have kept
a strong fort and garrison there, for it is on the Culuan
frontier. We arrived at Calco the next day at nine
o'clock but did not stop, except to tell the chiefs of my
intention to make a tour round the lakes, as I believed
that after accomplishing this march, which was important,
the thirteen brigantines would be found complete and
ready to be launched. After speaking to the Calcans, I
left at vespers that day, and reached one of their towns
where more than forty thousand friendly warriors joined
us, and there we slept that night. As the natives of the
town told me that the Culuans were expecting me in
the field, I ordered that at a quarter before daybreak
everybody should be on foot and ready.

After hearing mass, we began our march, I taking the
vanguard with twenty horsemen, and leaving ten for
the rear-guard; and in this order we crossed some very
steep sierras. At two o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived
at a very steep hillock on the top of which there were

1 Tlamanalco: a little more than one league from Chalco.

Third Letter 43

many women and children, while its slopes were covered
with warriors who at once began yelling loudly, sending
up smoke signals, discharging their slings, and throwing
stones and darts, so that in approaching them we sus-
tained much injury. Although we saw they did not dare
to wait for us on the field, it appeared to me that, even
though our road led us elsewhere, it was cowardly to go
on without giving them a lesson, lest also our friends
should suspect we did it out of cowardice; and I began,
therefore, to reconnoitre about the hillock. It was
about a league in circumference and certainly was so
strong that it seemed madness to assail it; but although
I might have laid siege to it and obliged them to give
themselves up from sheer want, I could not spare the
time to do this. Being thus perplexed, I determined
to assault its slopes at the places I had examined, and
gave orders to Cristobal Corral, lieutenant of sixty
foot soldiers whom I had always in my company, to
attack them with his infantry and ascend its steepest
sides with certain musketeers and archers to follow
him; and to Rodriguez de Villafuerte and to Francisco
Verdugo that the> with their men and certain archers
and musketeers should mount on another side ; and to the
captains Pedro Dircio and Andres de Monjaraz to assault
it from another side with some few archers and musketeers ;
and that upon hearing a musket -shot all should resolve
to mount, winning either victory or death.

Immediately on the discharge of the musket, they began
the ascent, and won two slopes of the hillock from the
adversaries, but were unable to get any higher because,
such were the steepness and ruggedness of the rock that
they could not sustain themselves neither with feet nor
hands. The Indians with their hands hurled many
rocks from above, and these in rolling broke into pieces
which scattered, doing infinite damage; and the attack
of our enemies was so fierce that they killed two Span-

44 Letters of Cortes

iards and wounded more than twenty, stopping our
advance. Seeing that it was impossible to do more, and
that such great numbers of foes were gathering to help
those on the hillock that the country was covered with
them, I ordered the captains to retreat; and, having
descended, the horsemen charged those on the plain and
drove them from the field, killing them with their lances
during a pursuit which lasted for an hour and a half.

The people being many, the horsemen scattered from
one part to another, and after having again assembled
some told me that about a league further on they had
seen another hillock with many people on it, but that it
was not so strong; that on the plains near it were many
people; and that there were to be found there two things
which we did not find on this other, one was water and the
other less strength in the position, so we might without
danger capture the people. Although I much regretted
not having obtained the victory, we left and slept that
night near the other hillock, where we endured much
hardship and privation; neither did we find any water,
nor all that day had we or the horses drunk any ; thus
we passed that night hearing a great noise of kettle-
drums, trumpets, and yells from our enemies.

As soon as day dawned, certain captains and myself
began to examine the hill, which seemed to us almost as
strong as the other; but it had two high points on its sum-
mit which were easier to mount and which were defended
by many warriors. My captains and I with other
hidalgos who were there took our shields and went on
foot towards it (for the horses had been taken to be
watered about a league off) , only for the purpose of seeing
its strength and where it might be attacked ; when the
people saw us, although we said nothing to them, they
followed us. When we reached the foot of the
hillock, the men on the peaks, believing I intended to
attack those in the centre, abandoned their positions to

Third Letter 45

come to their help. Seeing this blunder, and that by taking
the peaks they would be at a great disadvantage, I very
quietly ordered a captain to mount quickly with his
people and capture the steepest points which they had
abandoned; and he succeeded. I, with the rest of my
force, began to mount the hillock where most of the
enemy was gathered; and it pleased God that I should
capture the slope and that we should reach a height almost
equal to that whence they fought, which result had ap-
peared almost impossible without infinite danger. One
of the captains had already planted his banner on the
highest point, and from there he began to discharge
muskets and cross-bows at the enemy, and they, seeing
the injury they sustained, and that the battle was lost,
made signs of surrender, laying down their arms. As
my policy is always to convince these people that I do
not wish to injure them, no matter how blameworthy
they may be, especially when they are willing to become
vassals of Your Majesty; and as they are intelligent and
understand this very well, I ordered the fighting to cease,
and when they came to speak to me I received them very
well. Observing how well they were treated, they
made this known to those on the other hillock, who
although they were victorious, decided to give themselves
as vassals to Your Majesty, and came to me asking pardon
for the past.

I remained two days in this town near the hill, from
where I sent the wounded to Tesaico. Starting again,
I arrived at ten o'clock in the morning at Guastepeque,
which I have already mentioned, where we lodged in the
chief's house, situated in the most refreshing gardens
ever seen. These gardens have a circuit of two leagues,
and in their midst flows a very beautiful rivulet, and at
intervals of two cross-bow shots are kiosks and very
gay flower beds, and an infinite number of different
fruit trees, many herbs, and fragrant flowers; certainly

46 Letters of Cortes

it is an admirable thing to see the charm and grandeur
of this place. We reposed that day here, where the
natives provided us all the pleasure and service they
could. The next day we left, and at eight o'clock in the
morning we arrived at a great town called Yautepeque,
where many hostile warriors were awaiting us. When
we first arrived, it seemed that they wanted to make
us some sign of peace, either out of fear or to deceive us,
but immediately afterward, without any further cause,
they fled, abandoning their town. As I did not care to
delay there, I pursued them with my thirty horsemen
for about two leagues till I got them to another town
called Gilutepeque, * where we killed many of them.
We found the people in this town off their guard, because
we got there ahead of their scouts, so some were killed,
and many women and children were taken, and the rest
fled. I remained there two days, believing the chief
would give himself as vassal to Your Majesty, but as he
never came I ordered fire to be set to the town when I
departed. Before I left it, there came certain persons of the
former town, called Yautepeque, praying me to pardon
them and offering to give themselves as vassals to Your
Majesty. I received them willingly because they had
already been well chastised.

On the same day I left, I came at nine o'clock in the
morning within sight of a well-fortified town, called
Coadnabaced,2 within which was a large force Capture of
of warriors. The town was so strong, and Cuernavaca
surrounded by so many hills and ravines some
sixty feet in depth, that no horseman could enter it

* Xiuhtepec.

2 Cuauhnahuac : the present Cuernavaca. This town, the an-
cient capital of the Tlahuica tribes, situated on an isolated sort
of promontory at an elevation of over five thousand feet, and sur-
rounded, save on one side, by a narrow but profound canon which was
impassable, was defended by a strong garrison under Coatzin, its lord.
The feat of the Tlascalan, to which Cortes does scanty justice, was

Third Letter 47

except by two ways, which were then unknown to
us; and even to reach them we would have been
obliged to make a circuit of about a league and a
half. An entrance also could be effected by wooden
bridges had they not removed them. The place was so
secure and protected, that even had we been ten times
as many they could have held it notwithstanding. Upon
our approach, they discharged many darts, arrows, and
stones at us; but while they were skirmishing with us in
this manner, an Indian of Tascaltecal crossed unobserved
by a very dangerous pass, and when the enemy suddenly
saw him they believed the Spaniards were entering the
same way, and thus in a panic they fled with the Indian
behind them. Three or four lads, servants of mine,
and two from another company, when they saw the
Indian cross, followed him, and also reached the other
side. I led the horsemen along the sierra to find an

indeed remarkable, and is described by Bernal Diaz, who claims also
to have followed on the heels of the intrepid warrior. Two immense
trees growing on opposite sides of the ravine, inclined towards one
another until their branches met; seeing this the bold Tlascalan con-
ceived the plan of crossing by this aerial bridge, and, with an agility
worthy of his conception, he safely passed on the swaying boughs over
the dizzy height, and slid down the tree trunk on the other side, while
the garrison of Cuernavaca were fighting elsewhere, and unobservant
of his achievement. About thirty Spaniards and a number of Tlas-
calans followed his example, three of whom lost their balance and
fell into the stream below. Bernal Diaz says that it was a frightful
undertaking, and that he himself became quite blind and giddy from
the great height and danger. Indeed it was no small thing for a man,
weighted with arms and armour, to essay such a feat, and if the credit
of the invention belongs to the Tlascalan, we cannot withhold our admir-
ation from the thirty Spaniards who had the hardihood to follow him.
Cuernavaca is the present capital of the State of Morelos, and is one
of the most beautiful and interesting towns in Mexico, while its situa-
tion is hardly excelled in picturesqueness and grandeur by any other
in the world. The palace, which Cortes afterwards built there, still
stands, and a charming villa, with luxuriant gardens overhanging
the great barranca which was built by a Spaniard, Laborda, in the
XVIIIth century, became a favourite resort of the unfortunate Em-
peror Maximilian during his brief and luckless reign.

48 Letters of Cortes

entrance to the town, while the enemy incessantly dis-
charged darts and arrows at us ; for between them and us
there was only a narrow ravine. While they were occu-
pied in righting with us, they had not seen the five
Spaniards, so our men took them suddenly from behind,
stabbing and slashing at them, taking them completely
by surprise, for they did not know that their own people
had abandoned the pass by which the Spaniards and the
Indians had crossed; so they became so frightened that
they lost courage to fight, and the Spaniards killed them,
till, perceiving how they had been tricked, they began to
fly. Our foot soldiers were already in the town, and began
to set fire to it while the enemy abandoned it ; and thus
escaping the latter reached the sierra although many of
them perished, for the horsemen pursued and killed
many.

After we discovered how to enter the town, which was
about mid-day, we lodged ourselves in some houses in a
garden, though we found the place almost all burnt. It
was quite late when the chief and other notables, seeing
they could not defend themselves in spite of their strong
town, and fearing we might pursue and kill them in the
hilly ground, decided to come and offer themselves as
vassals of Your Majesty; I received them as such, and
they promised that henceforth they would always be
our friends. These Indians and the others who came
to give themselves as vassals of Your Majesty, after we
had burnt and destroyed their houses and property,
told us that the reason they were so tardy in seeking our
friendship was because they thought that they would
make good their fault by first allowing us to injure them,
believing that this done we would not afterwards be so
angry with them. We slept that night in the town, and
the next morning marched through deserted and waterless
pine forests, passing through a defile, suffering much
from fatigue and want of water, so that some Indians who

Third Letter 49

accompanied us perished from thirst. We stopped that
night at some farms, seven leagues from the town.

At daybreak we resumed our march and came in sight
of a large city, called Suchimilco, * which is built on the
fresh-water lake. As the Indians were notified of our
coming, they had digged many ditches and canals and
removed the bridges at all the entrances to the town,
which is three or four leagues from Temixtitan. Within,
there were many brave-looking people determined to
defend themselves to the death. As soon as we arrived
there and had collected all our people, disposing them
in good order and discipline, I dismounted and advanced
with certain foot soldiers towards a ditch which had been
made, and on the other side of which were infinite war-
riors. When the fighting began at the ditch, the
archers and musketeers did them much damage, so they
abandoned it and the Spaniards threw themselves into
the water and passed over to dry land. After half an
hour's fighting, we captured the greater part of the city,
and the defenders retired in their canoes on the water-
ways. They fought until nightfall, when some of them
sued for peace, but others continued fighting; and so
many times did they make overtures without fulfilling
them, that finally we discovered they did this from two
motives, first that they might carry off their property
while we were discussing peace, and secondly to gain
time until help should reach them from Mexico and
Temixtitan. They killed two Spaniards who had got
separated from the others to plunder and found them-
selves in their extremity beyond reach of assistance.

In the evening, the enemy was debating how to manage
that we should not escape alive from their city, and a
great number decided to attack us where we had entered ;
on seeing them advance so rapidly we were surprised

» The name Xochimilco signifies "field of flowers": the town was
situated on the left bank of the lake of the same name.

5° Letters of Cortes

to observe their strategy and agility. Six horsemen
and myself, who were readier than the others charged
Narrow amongst them and frightened by the horses
Escape of they fled, we following them through the
Cortes city, killing many, though we found ourselves
in a great conflict because they were so daring that
many of them ventured to face the horsemen with
their swords and shields. While we were pell-mell
amongst them and in a great confusion, the horse I rode
fell through sheer fatigue, and as some of the adversaries
saw me on foot they rushed upon me. While I defended
myself against them with my lance, an Indian of Tas-
caltecal, 1 when he saw me in danger, rushed to help

* Cortes searched in vain for this Indian who saved his life, but,
as he could never be found dead or alive, he finally declared that he
was persuaded that it was not an Indian but his holy patron St. Peter
who had rescued him. Clavigero pertinently notes that, in this battle
as in many others, the Indians might easily have killed Cortes had
they not determined to take him alive and sacrifice him. Bernal
Diaz attributes the rescue of Cortes to a Castilian soldier, Cristobal
de Olea, who led a body of Tlascalans to his relief, but makes no men-
tion of any one particular Tlascalan. Cortes may, however, be sup-
posed to know better, and he refers to Olea as "a servant of mine who
helped raise the horse. " Olea received three frightful wounds from
the deadly maquahuitl, a weapon which the Mexicans wielded with
great address.

The fighting in and around Xochimilco lasted from the 1 5th of April
until the morning of Friday the 20th, when the Spaniards arrived
in Tlacopan (Tacuba), and, though Cortes says little about the events
of those days, his men suffered considerably. While a small division
was engaged in pillaging some storehouses near Xochimilco, the
Mexicans attacked them; wounding a number and taking Juan de
Lara, Alonso Hernandez, and two other soldiers of Andres de Mon-
jaraz's company prisoners. These men were carried in triumph to
Temixtitan where, after being questioned by Quauhtemotzin, they
were sacrificed and their arms and legs taken to be exhibited in the
neighbouring provinces as a forecast of the fate awaiting the remainder
of the white men (Bernal Diaz, cap. cxlv.).

Cortes wished to leave behind the spoils taken at Xochimilco rather
than be cumbered with them, but yielded to the clamours of his men,
who declared they were able to defend what they had taken. The
arrival in Tlacopan was marked, as Cortes relates, by the capture of
two more Spaniards, Francisco Martin Vendabal and Pedro Gallego,

Third Letter 51

me, and he and a servant of mine who joined him helped
me to raise the horse. In the midst of this, the Span-
iards came up, and the enemy all deserted the field,
and I with the other horsemen returned to the city,
for we were very weary. Although it was almost
night and time for rest, I commanded that all the
raised bridges over the water should be filled up with
stones and adobes, so that the horses could go and come
from the city without obstacle; nor did I leave there till
all those difficult crossings had been repaired. We
passed that night using great vigilance and giving close
attention to the watches.

The next day, all the natives of Mexico and Temixtitan
who already knew we were in Suchimilco planned an
attack with great force by water and land, so as to sur-
round us; for they believed we could not again escape

and the commander, on this occasion, made a rare display of feeling
which led to the composition of a romance or ballad, long in popular
vogue —

"En Tacuba esta Cortes
Con su escuadron esforzado,
Triste estaba y muy penoso,
Triste y con gran cuidado,
La una mano en la me j ilia
Y la otra en el costado," etc.

Standing on a lofty teocalli, a group of the leaders, including Julian
de Alderete and Fray Pedro Melgarejo, surveyed the country, with
the great capital floating on the waters of its lake, and one Alonzo
Perez, noting the pensive sadness of the commander's mien, begged
him not to feel dejected, for losses and destruction were incident to
warfare, but that of him it could never be said that like Nero he had
watched the burning city, quoting the couplet —

"Mira Nero de Tarpeya
A Roma come de ardia. "

Cortes answered, calling him to witness how often he had begged
the Mexicans to make peace and save themselves, adding that his
sadness was not for any one cause alone, but from thinking of all the
hardships still to be endured in reconquering the city, which with
God's help they must now undertake.

52 Letters of Cortes

from their hands. I mounted one of the towers of their
idols to see how they would approach and where they
would attack us, that I might give all necessary orders.
After I had completed our preparations, there appeared
on the water a large fleet of canoes which I believe ex-
ceeded two thousand ; and in them there came more than
twelve thousand warriors, in addition to whom there
arrived such a multitude of people by land that they
covered the whole country. Their captains came at
their head, carrying our captured swords in their hands,
and naming their provinces, crying, "Mexico! Mexico!
Temixiitan! Temixtitan!" and shouting insults at us, and
threatening to kill us with the swords they had taken
from us before in the city of Temixtitan. After I had
settled where each captain was to be placed, and as on
the mainland there was a great multitude of the enemy,
I advanced to attack them with twenty horsemen, and
five hundred men of Tascaltecal divided into three com-
panies. I ordered them, as soon as they had scattered
the enemy, to collect at the foot of a hill about a half
a league from there, where many of the foe had also
assembled. When we separated, each division pursued
the enemy on its respective side, and, after having routed
them and killed many with our swords, we retired to the
foot of the hill ; there I ordered certain foot soldiers, my
servants, who had served me and were very agile, to try
to mount the steepest part of the hill. I with the horse-
men would then circle round behind, where it was more
level, and we would take them in the middle. Thus it
happened that, when the enemy saw the Spaniards
climbing the hill, they turned, believing they could re-
treat at their ease, but instead they encountered us,
who were about fifteen horsemen ; and we fell upon them,
as did likewise the warriors of Tascaltecal, so that in a
very short time more than five hundred of them perished,
and all the others escaped and fled towards the mountains.

Third Letter 53

Six other horsemen planned to go up a very broad and
level road, using their lances on the enemy. Half a
league from Suchimilco they came upon a squadron of
very dashing troops coming to help their countrymen,
and routed them, killing some with their lances. When
all the horsemen had assembled, we returned about ten
o'clock to Suchimilco, finding at the entrance many
Spaniards awaiting our return to know what had hap-
pened to us; and they told me they had been in great
straits and had done their utmost to drive out the enemy,
of whom a great number had perished. They gave me
two of our swords they had retaken from them, and told
me that the bowmen were out of arrows and could get
no more. While hearing this, before we dismounted, a
great body of the enemy appeared on a very broad
causeway, yelling wildly, and promptly we fell upon
them, driving them into the water which bordered the
causeway on each side ; thus we routed them, and, col-
lecting our people, we returned very tired to the city,
which I burned entirely except for the part where we
lodged. Thus we stopped in the city three days, in-
cessantly fighting, and finally we left having burnt and
razed it to the ground. Certainly it was a sight worth
beholding, as it had many towers of their idols built of
stone and mortar; but, in order not to enlarge, I do not
specify many other notable things concerning the city.
The day I left, I went out to a square, which is on the
mainland adjoining the city, where the natives held
their markets, and I gave orders to ten horsemen to go
ahead, and to another ten to march in the middle with
the foot soldiers, while I took another ten in the rear;
and when the people of Suchimilco saw us leaving, be-
lieving it was from fear of them, they attacked our rear,
setting up fierce yells. Thereupon the ten horsemen
and I returned and fell on them, pursuing them till we
drove them into the water; after which they did not

54 Letters of Cortes

bother us any more, and we continued our march. At
ten o'clock in the morning we arrived in the city of
Cuyoacan two leagues from Suchimilco, as well as from
the cities of Temixtitan, Culuacan, Uchilubuzco, i
Iztapalapa, Cuitaguaca, and Mizqueque, all of which are
situated on the water, the furthest being about a league
and a half distant. We found it deserted, and lodged
in the house of the chief, where we remained two days.

Since I was to lay siege to the great city of Temixtitan
as soon as the brigantines were finished, I wished first
to see the port of the city and the entrances and exits,
and where the Spaniards might attack or be attacked.
The day after we arrived, therefore, I took five horsemen
and two hundred foot soldiers and went, by a causeway
leading into the city of Temixtitan, to the lake which
was very near, where we saw an infinite number of canoes
on the water with countless warriors in them. We reached
a barricade they had erected across the causeway, and the
foot soldiers began to attack it; although it was very
strong and a stout resistance was offered and ten Span-
iards were wounded, we finally won it, killing many of
the enemy, although the archers and musketeers ex-
hausted their arrows and powder. From this place, we
saw how the causeway led directly through the water
until it entered the city of Temixtitan, a full league and
a half distant, and that likewise on the other, which goes
to Iztapalapa, there were crowds of innumerable people.
When I had considered all that it was necessary to ob-
serve, for it was likely that a garrison of horsemen and
foot soldiers would have to be established here in this
city, I ordered our people to retire, and we returned to
the town, burning their houses and the towers of their
idols.

1 Huitzilopocho is the present Cherubusco. Cuitaquaca was
Cuitlahuac and is now called Tlahua; the last town mentioned should
be Mixquic.

Third Letter 55

We departed next day from this city to go to Tacuba,
which is two leagues from here, where we arrived at
nine o'clock in the morning, using our lances Return
in one place and another along the way, for March to
the enemy came from off the lake to attack Texcoco
and jeer at the Indians who carried our baggage; find-
ing themselves worsted, however, they let us pro-
ceed in peace. I have already said that my principal
purpose was to make a circuit of all the lakes, in order
to reconnoitre and inspect the country better, and also
to give help to our friends, hence I did not care to stop
in Tacuba. The people of Temixtitan, who were so near
there that the city extends almost to the mainland of
Tacuba, seeing that we went on, recovered much con-
fidence and with great daring attacked the centre of our
baggage- train ; but as the horsemen were well stationed
and the ground was all level thereabouts, we had great
advantage over them, without risking any danger our-
selves. As we were galloping from one side to the other,
two of the several youths, my servants, who usually
followed me, did not do so, but chanced to go aside where
they were captured by the enemy, who, we believe, put
them to a very cruel death, as was their custom. God
knows how grieved I was by it, both because they were
Christians, and also because they were brave men who
had served Your Majesty wTell in this war. After leaving
this city, we continued our march through other neigh-
bouring towns, and rejoined our people, where I learned
how the Indians had captured those youths. To avenge
their death, and because the enemy followed us with the
greatest insolence in the world, I, with twenty horsemen,
concealed myself behind some houses, and, as the Indians
saw the other ten with the people and baggage going
ahead, they followed them fearlessly by another very
broad and level road; thus, when we saw that they had
passed somewhat, I shouted in the name of the Apostle

56 Letters of Cortes

Santiago and we fell upon them furiously. Before they
could reach the canals near there, we killed more than a
hundred splendid chiefs; after which they did not care
to follow us any further. This day we slept two leagues
beyond, in the city of Coatinchan, tired out and wet, as
it had rained a great deal that afternoon; and we found
it deserted. We set out the next day, using our lances
from time to time on some Indians who came to yell at
us, and we slept at a town, called Gilotepeque, * finding
it also deserted. The next day, we went at twelve
o'clock to a city, called Aculman, 1 belonging to the
lordship of the city of Tesaico, where we slept that night
and were well received by the Spaniards, who rejoiced at
our coming as if it were their salvation; because after I
had left them they had heard nothing of me till the day
we arrived. They had suffered various alarms in the
city, and the inhabitants had been daily saying to them
that the men of Mexico and Temixtitan would fall on
them while I was absent. Thus, with God's help, this
expedition was concluded, and it was a very great enter-
prise in which Your Majesty received great service,
for many reasons, as I shall hereafter state.

When I came for the first time to the city of Temixtitan,
Very Powerful and Invincible Lord, I ordered, as I made
Events in known to Your Majesty in my other relation,
Chinantla that certain plantations should be established
for Your Majesty in two or three of the most
desirable provinces. I sent two Spaniards to one of
them, called Chinantla,3 which is not subject to the
Culuans; in the others, which were, the Culuans killed
those who were at the plantations when they made

i Citlatlepoc.

2 Acolman, where Cortes first learned that reinforcements had
arrived from Vera Cruz.

3 Chinantla : the lance heads of black obsidian which are fre-
quently mentioned were chiefly manufactured here, and were called
by the same name. Chinantla now forms part of the state of Oaxaca.

Third Letter 57

war on me in Temixtitan, and took everything they
had, which was a very considerable sum according to the
estimates of this country. During almost a year I could
learn nothing about the Spaniards who settled in Chi-
nantla, nor, while all those provinces were in revolt, could
they hear any thing from us. The natives of Chinantla,
being vassals of Your Majesty and enemies of the Culuans,
told those Christians that the Culuans had made fierce
war upon us, and, as they believed few or none of us had
come out alive, they would not allow the Spaniards to
leave the country; and thus these two stayed there. One
of them, who was a youth and a soldier, they made their
captain, and at this time he went out with them to fight
their enemies, over whom he and they were victorious
most of the time. When it pleased God they should
afterwards return, and reorganise, and obtain some
victories over the enemy who had routed and expelled
us from Temixtitan, the people of Chinantla told those
Christians that they knew there were Spaniards in the
province of Tepeaca, and that, if they wished to learn
the truth, they would risk sending two Indians who, al-
though they had to pass through much hostile country,
could travel at night and off the highway till they reached
Tepeaca. The better man of the two Spaniards sent a
letter by those two Indians, the tenor of which was as
follows: "Noble Sirs, I have written Your Worships
two or three letters, but I do not know if they have
reached you or not as they have had no answer, so I
doubt whether this will obtain one. I make it known to
you, Sirs, that all the natives of this country of Culua
are up in arms and have attacked us many times; but
always (praise be to Our Lord for it) we have been vic-
torious. We have also had daily war with the natives
of Tuxtepeque, for they are allies of Culua. Those who
have remained in the service of Their Highnesses as their
vassals are seven towns of Tenez; and Nicolas and I

58 Letters of Cortes

have always stopped in Chinantla, which is the capital.
I would like very much to know where the captain is,
in order to write to him and make known what has hap-
pened here. If perchance you can write me where he is,
and will send twenty or thirty Spaniards, I would go
thither with two of the chiefs from here who wish to see
and speak with the captain. It would be well for them
to come now because it is the harvest time for Cacao, and
the Culuans hinder it by making war. May the Lord
guard the noble persons of Your Worships, according
to your desire. From Chinantla, I know not what date
of the month of April, of the year 152 1. At the service
of Your Worships, Hernando de Barrientos."

When the two Indians arrived with this letter in the
province of Tepeaca, the captain, whom I had left there
with certain Spaniards, sent it immediately to me at
Tesaico; and we all rejoiced greatly at receiving it, be-
cause, though we had always confided in the friendship
of Chinantla, sometimes the thought occurred to us that
they might confederate with Culua and kill the two Span-
iards. I immediately wrote, giving them an account of
what had happened, and telling them to have hope, for,
although they were surrounded on every side by enemies,
by God's pleasure, they would very soon find themselves
free and able to come and go in safety.

After having made the circuit of the lakes, during which
I gathered much important information for laying siege
Canal Built to Temixtitan by land and water, I stopped
atTexcoco in Tesaico, strengthening myself as best I
could with people and arms, hastening to get the
brigantines finished and making a canal to take them
to the lake; which canal was begun immediately after
the planks and joinings of the brigantines had been
brought, and extended from one side of our camp
to the lake. From the place where the brigantines
were being joined there was quite a half a league's

Third Letter 59

distance to the lake. More than eight thousand natives
of Acolhuacan and Tesaico were employed daily for
fifty days; for the channel of the canal was more than
twelve feet deep and as many in width, all staked and
walled. Thus, the water which flows through it would
by its own force carry them to the lake, so that we could
take the smaller vessels without danger, and with little
labour to the water. It certainly was a very great work,
worthy of admiration.

As soon as the brigantines were finished and put in the
canal on the twenty-eighth of April1 of the said year, I
made a review of all my people and found eighty- six
horsemen, a hundred and eighteen bowmen and mus-
keteers, seven hundred and odd foot soldiers with swords
and shields, three heavy iron guns, fifteen small bronze
field pieces and ten cwt. of powder. Having finished
the review, I charged and recommended all the Spaniards
to obey and comply with the ordinances which I had
made respecting the conduct of the war, and to be merry,
and keep up their courage inasmuch as they saw how
Our Lord was leading us to victory over our enemies;
for they well knew that when we entered Tesaico we had
brought only forty horsemen, but that God had helped
us even more than we had thought, for a ship had arrived
with horses, men, and arms, as they had seen ; and I said
principally that the fact that we were righting to promote
the spread of our faith and for the reduction to Your
Majesty's service of so many revolted provinces, should
fill them with courage and zeal to conquer or die. They
all answered, demonstrating a willingness and desire for

1 The feast fell upon Sunday April 28th, and was chosen for the
launching of the brigantines. All the Spaniards received the sacra-
ments; Fray Olmedo said Mass at an altar erected near the lake and
blessed the boats. Amidst salvos of artillery, strains of music from
the Christian and Indian bands, and the enthusiastic cries of "Cas-
tillo./ Tlascala/" from the crowds, the brigantines glided gracefully
into the lake. A solemn Te Deum closed the ceremony.

60 Letters of Cortes

this; and we passed the day of the review in great re-
joicing, longing to see ourselves already engaged in the
siege and to bring this war to an end, on which the peace
or further disturbance of these parts so much depended.

The next day, I sent messengers to the provinces of
Tascaltecal, Guajucingo, and Churultecal, to let them
know that the brigantines were ready, and that I and
all my people were about to surround the great city of
Temixtitan. Therefore I begged them, since they were
notified by me and had already prepared their people,
that as many of them as possible and as well armed as
they could be, should set out and join me here in Tesaico,
where I would wait ten days for them, and that they
should by no means exceed that time, because it would
disarrange everything that had been planned. When
the messengers arrived, the people of those provinces
were already prepared and eager to meet the Culuans:
those from Guajucingo and Churultecal came to Calco
as I had ordered, for the siege was to be begun near that
place. The captains of Tascaltecal arrived in Tesaico with
very brilliant and well-armed forces, five or six days be-
fore the Feast of the Holy Ghost, which was the time I
had designated to them. When I learned that day of their
approach, I went out to meet them with great rejoicing, and
they came so gladly and so well disciplined that things
could not have been better. According to the account
the captains made, there were more than fifty thousand
warriors, who were well received by us and given quarters.

The second day after the Feast, I ordered all the foot
soldiers and horsemen to assemble in the square of the
Division of c^ °^ Tesaico, that I might divide them and
the Forces assign them to the captains, who were to
for the iea(i them in three divisions to be stationed
in three cities which are around Temixtitan. I
made Pedro de Alvarado, 1 captain of one division, as-

1 Pedro de Alvarado was one of four brothers all of whom fought

Third Letter 61

signing him thirty horsemen, eighteen archers and
musketeers, and one hundred and fifty foot soldiers with
swords and shields, and more than twenty-five thousand
warriors of Tascaltecal; these were to make their head-
quarters in Tacuba. I made Cristobal de Olid, captain
of another division, to whom I assigned thirty horsemen,
eighteen archers and musketeers, and a hundred and
sixty foot-soldiers with swords and shields, and more than
twenty thousand warriors of our allies; these were to
make their headquarters in Cuyoacan. Of the third
division, I made Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor,
captain, assigning him twenty-four horsemen, four
musketeers, fifteen archers, and a hundred and fifty
foot soldiers with swords and shields, fifty of whom were
chosen among those I had brought in my company, and

under the command of Cortes ; Jorge served afterwards in Guatemala,
and died in Madrid in 1540; Gomez died in Peru, and Juan a bastard
brother died at sea while going to Cuba to bring horses. Pedro was
one of the most daring and cruel of the Spanish captains; two exploits
gained him a conspicuous place in the annals of the conquest, the
first being the massacre of the nobles during the religious dance in
the great temple, which provoked such terrible consequences, and
the second his renowned leap which still holds its place amongst the
heroic feats of history under the name of El Salto de Alvarado, a street
in Mexico near the spot of the alleged jump perpetuating the legend.

Bernal Diaz denies the fact, and bluntly explains that the story
took its origin from a libellous refrain or pasquinade composed by a
soldier who had a sharp faculty for such rhyming. This represented
Alvarado as deserting his two hundred and fifty men during the retreat
of the Noche Triste, saving himself by jumping his horse over a canal,
and it passed, according to Diaz, into the common stock of camp
stories and jokes. This desertion was one of the accusations presented
in his trial (record published by D. Jose" Ramirez, Mex. 1847) to which
Alvarado answered that he had held his men together as long as he
could, but that it was they who deserted him, leaving him wounded,
with his horse killed, and that he escaped only by a soldier taking
him up behind him on his horse in the fight; nothing is said about
any "leap." Cortes likewise never mentions it. The legend will
never die, for it is of those which please popular fancy and become
enshrined in the historical folk-lore, which is imperishable.

After the conquest, he was made governor of Cuauhtemallan and
Chiapa, but his restless spirit spurred him to other adventures, and

62 Letters of Cortes

more than thirty thousand men of the people of
Guajucingo, Churultecal, and Calco. This division was
to go to the city of Iztapalapa for the purpose of destroy-
ing it, and afterwards to advance over a causeway in the
lake, protected by the brigantines, in order to join with
the garrison at Cuyoacan, so that after I entered the
lake with the brigantines, the alguacil mayor might fix
his headquarters wherever it seemed to him most con-
venient. For the thirteen brigantines with which I was
to enter the lake, I left three hundred men, almost all
of whom were sailors l and well drilled, so that in each
brigantine were twenty-five Spaniards; and each small
vessel had a captain, a pilot, and six archers and
musketeers.

According to the foregoing order the captains, who
were to command the forces in the cities of Tacuba and

he fitted out an expedition in 1535, by royal licence, composed of
some five or more ships, carrying fifteen hundred men, and the neces-
sary horses and arms, bound for Peru, where he landed at Puerto
Vie jo, marching thence to Quito. His arrival was unwelcome to
Pizarro and Diego Almargo, who solved the difficulty by buying out
his armament for 100,000 castellanos said at the time to have been an
enormous price. He returned to Mexico, and undertook other ven-
tures to the Spice Islands and California, and was finally killed in 1541
by a kick from a horse. When dying, he was asked where he suffered,
to which he replied " In my soul. "

Alvarado was called Tonatiuh (the sun) by the natives, on account
of his high colouring and red beard; he was handsome, physically
strong and brave, a typical swashbuckler of his period, cruel to the
Indians, faithless to his friends, of quick temper, poor judgment,
and known as a confirmed liar. Bernal Diaz fought in Alvarado's
division during the siege.

1 Although a number of the men had been sailors or fishermen,
and consequently knew something about handling boats, none of them
wanted to act as rowers for the brigantines, and it was with difficulty
that Cortes completed his crews. Many of the natives of Palos,
Triana, and other sea-ports, whom he ordered to take the oars, even
objected on the score of their gentle birth, but the commander en-
forced his orders in spite of all excuses and protests. Each brigantine
displayed the royal standard as well as its own particular ensign
(Bernal Diaz).

Third Letter 63

Cuyoacan, after receiving instructions as to what they
were to do, left Tesaico on the tenth of May, and slept
in a fine town, called Aculman, two and a half leagues
from there. The same day, I learned that some dispute
had arisen between the captains about the quarters,
and, to settle this and re-establish peace, I immediately
sent a person who reproved and pacified them. * On

1 According to Bernal Diaz, who was in Alvarado's division,
Olid had taken possession of all the available houses in Acolman for
himself and his troops, marking the houses thus appropriated with
green branches, so that when Alvarado's division reached the town
there were no quarters for them. The soldiers of the two divisions
almost fell to fighting, and the two commanders had challenged one
another, but several of the cooler-headed officers interfered and re-
stored a semblance of peace ; but Alvarado and Olid were never after-
wards friends. Cortes sent the Franciscan, Fray Pedro Melgarejo
and Captain Luis Marin, as his peace-makers.

Another incident occurred at this time, which Cortes passes over in
silence. This was the desertion of the Tlascalan general, Xicotencatl,
who left the army, accompanied by a few followers, and returned to
Tlascala. Various reasons are given for his action; Bernal Diaz at-
tributes it to jealousy of Chichimecatl, and a perfidious plan to get pos-
session of his lands while the latter was absent, fighting against Mexico.
Herrera ascribes his desire to return home, to a love affair (lib. i.,
cap. xvii.). There had been a quarrel between a Spanish soldier and
a Tlascalan chief, in which the latter was badly wounded; the matter
was hushed up, so that Cortes should not hear it, as he was very strict
in such matters; thus the soldier remained unpunished and as Xico-
tencatl was a relative of the wounded chief he left (Prescott, lib. vi. ,
cap. iv.). Cortes first sent some Tlascalans to seek to induce him to
return, and, this failing, he despatched some Spanish horsemen, with
orders to arrest the general and bring him back. He simultaneously
sent news of the affair to the Senate of Tlascala, informing the senators
that amongst Spaniards, desertion was punishable by death. The ver-
sions of Xicotencatl's end do not agree. Herrera describes his death by
hanging in public at Texcoco, while Bernal Diaz says he was executed
where he was captured. Xicotencatl had always mistrusted the
Spaniards, nor could the blandishments of Cortes nor the popular
sentiment in Tlascala ever change his opinion. He was opposed to
the alliance, and after fighting the Spaniards in the field, he con-
tinued to oppose them in the councils of his people. Cortes was aware
of his sentiments and conscious of the bad effect such an example of
desertion would have if left unpunished ; hence it is likely he was glad
to be rid of an ally on whose fidelity he could not count. Xicotencatl's

64 Letters of Cortes

the morning of the next day, they left there, and passed
the night in another town, called Gilotepeque, which they
found deserted, as it was within the enemy's country.
The next day, they continued their march according to
their instructions, and slept in a city, called Guatitlan,
which I have before mentioned to Your Majesty, and
which they also found deserted. The same day they
passed through two other cities and towns, where they
likewise found no people. At the hour of vespers, they
entered Tacuba, which they also found deserted, and
made their quarters in the houses of the chief, which are
very beautiful and large. Although it was already late
the warriors of Tascaltecal made an inspection of the
entrance of two causeways leading to the city of Temix-
titan and fought bravely for two or three hours with the
people of the city until night separated them, when they
returned safely to Tacuba.

The next morning, the two captains agreed, as I had
commanded them, to cut off the aqueducts which sup-
plied Temixtitan with fresh water. One of them went with
twenty horsemen and some archers and musketeers to the
source of the water, about a quarter of a league from
there, and broke the pipes, which were of wood and
mortar and stone, fighting valiantly with those of the
city who defended the spring by land and water. At
last he routed them and accomplished his purpose, cutting
off the fresh water from the city — a very politic stratagem.
The same day, the captains repaired certain dangerous
passes, bridges, and aqueducts, in the neighbourhood of
the lake, so that the horsemen might the more easily gallop
from one part to another. This delayed them three
or four days, during which they had many skirmishes with
those of the city, wherein some Spaniards were wounded,
many of the enemy killed, and many bridges and dikes

act of desertion was indefensible, and its penalty by the code of
Tlascala was death.

Third Letter 65

captured. There was much bandying of words, and
many challenges between those of the city and the
warriors of Tascaltecal, things very remarkable and worthy
of notice.

The captain, Cristobal de Olid, departed with the people
who were to be garrisoned in Cuyoacan, two leagues from
Tacuba, and the captain, Pedro de Alvarado stayed with
his people in garrison at Tacuba, where he had skirmishes
daily with the Indians. The same day that Cristobal
de Olid left for Cuyoacan, he and his men arrived at ten
o'clock in the morning and lodged in the houses of its
chief, finding the city deserted. The next morning, with
about twenty horsemen, some archers, and some six or
seven thousand warriors of Tascaltecal they went to take
a look at the causeway leading to Temixtitan ; and they
found the enemy well prepared, the causeway broken up,
and many barricades erected. They engaged the enemy „
and the archers wounded and killed some of their number.
This was repeated for six or seven days, on each of which
there were many encounters and skirmishes. One night,
at midnight, certain watchmen of the city gave their cry
near our quarters and the Spanish watchman cried "To
arms!" whereupon our men sallied forth, but none of the
enemy were to be found, for the cry which had alarmed
them had been given very far from headquarters. As
our people were distributed in so many places, the gar-
risons longed, as for their salvation, for my arrival with
the brigantines and they continued hopeful those few
days until I arrived, as I shall hereafter relate. During
those six days, they would meet from both headquarters
daily as they were near each other, and the horsemen
scoured the country killing many of the enemy with
their lances and bringing into the headquarters from the
mountains great quantities of maize, of which bread
is made, the principal food of these parts, and much
superior to that of the Islands.

VOL. 11.- 5

66 Letters of Cortes

In the preceding chapters, I stated that I remained
in Tesaico with three hundred men and the thirteen
Cortes brigantines. As soon as I knew the divisions
Takes were in the places assigned for their camps,

Command I could embark and take a look at the city
°f .the . and do some damage to the canoes. Although
I very much wished to go by land, to give
directions in the camps, the captains were persons who
could be trusted with what they had in hand, while the
affair of the brigantines was a matter of great importance,
requiring stern discipline and attention, so I determined
to embark in them, because we calculated to have the
greatest risk and adventure by water. The principal
persons of my company, however, required me in due
form to go with the garrisons, as they believed that they
were to undertake the most dangerous part. The day
after the Feast of Corpus Christi, Friday, at dawn, I
ordered Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, to go with
his people directly to the city of Iztapalapa, about six
short leagues from there; shortly after mid-day they
arrived there, and began to burn it, and to fight with
its people, who, when they saw the great force of the
alguacil mayor, for more than thirty-five or forty thou-
sand of our allies had gone with him, retreated to their
canoes. The alguacil mayor, with all the people accom-
panying him, lodged in that town, and remained there that
day awaiting my orders and what might happen to me.

Immediately after I had despatched the alguacil mayor,
I embarked in the brigantines, and we started with sails
and oars; and while the alguacil mayor was fighting and
burning the city of Iztapalapa, we came in sight of a
very large and strong hill l near that city, all surrounded

» Called Tepepolco: extensive quarries of the red porous stone
Tetzontli, used for building purposes, were found here, and the place
afterwards became the property of Cortes, and was known as Pefion
del Marques.

Third Letter 67

by water, where, from the towns around about the lake as
well as from Temixtitan, many people had collected, for
they well knew that our first encounter would be with
those of Iztapalapa, and they were there for their own
defence and also to attack us if possible. When they
saw the fleet coming, they began to shout and make great
smoke signals so that all the cities of the lake might
know and be prepared. Although my intention was to
attack that part of Iztapalapa which is on the water,
we retraced our course to that hill or knoll and I leaped
on it with a hundred and fifty men ; it was very steep and
high and it was with much difficulty that we began to as-
cend it. We stormed their trenches on the top, and pitched
into them in such wise that not one of them escaped,
except the women and children. In this fight they
wounded twenty-five Spaniards, but it was a beautiful
victory.

As the people of Iztapalapa had made smoke signals
from some towers of their idols which stand on a very
high hill near the city, Temixtitan and the other cities
on the water knew that I had already entered the lake
with the brigantines, and they quickly assembled a very
great fleet of canoes to attack us, and to discover what
sort of things the brigantines were; and from what we
could judge the canoes exceeded five hundred in number.
When I saw that their course was straight towards us, I,
and the people who had disembarked on that great hill,
re-embarked in great haste, and I ordered the captains
of the brigantines not to move at all, so that the canoes
believing that from fear of them we did not dare to move
out towards them might decide to attack us. Thus
they directed their fleet against us with great impetus;
but at about two arrow-shots' distance they stopped and
remained still. I strongly desired that the first en-
counter with them should be a great victory and inspire
them with a dread of the brigantines, which held the

68 Letters of Cortes

key of the whole war, for both the Mexicans and we were
exposed to the greatest damage on the water. It pleased
Our Lord that, while we were observing one another,
a very favourable land wind sprang up, enabling us to
attack them; so I immediately ordered the captains to
break through the fleet of canoes and pursue them till
they took refuge in Temixtitan. As the wind was very
good, we bore down in the midst of them, though they
fled as fast as they could, and destroyed an infinite
number of canoes and killed and drowned many of the
enemy, the greatest sight to be seen in the world. We
followed them in this pursuit fully three long leagues,
until we shut them up amidst the houses of the city; and
thus it pleased Our Lord to give us the best and greatest
victory which we could have asked or desired.

The garrison of Cuyoacan could see better than that of
Tacuba the movements of the brigantines, and when they
beheld all the thirteen sails on the water, favoured by
such good weather, knocking the enemy's canoes to
pieces, they afterwards assured me it was the one thing
in the world which gave them the most pleasure and that
they most wished for. As I have said, they and those at
Tacuba strongly wished me to come there, and with good
reason, for both garrisons were in the midst of such
multitudes of enemies; but Our Lord miraculously in-
spired them and diminished the enemy's courage so that
they were unable to decide to attack our camp, but
had they done so, they would have done great harm to the
Spaniards, although they were always well prepared and
determined to conquer or die, like men cut off from all
succour save what they hoped from God. When the
garrison of Cuyoacan saw us pursuing the canoes, most
of the horsemen and foot soldiers took the road towards
the city of Temixtitan, and fought very stoutly with the
Indians who were on the causeway. They captured the
trenches which had been made, and passed over many

Third Letter 69

abandoned bridges, on foot and on horseback under cover
of the brigantines which sailed near the causeway. Our
allies of Tascaltecal and the Spaniards pursued the enemy,
some of whom they killed and others they forced to seek
refuge in the water on the other side of the causeway
from where the brigantines approached. Thus vic-
toriously they advanced a long league on the causeway
until they reached the place where I stopped with the
brigantines, as I shall hereafter relate.

We continued chasing the canoes with the brigantines
for nearly three leagues. Those which escaped us took
refuge amongst the houses of the city, and, The Fortress
as it was already vespers, I ordered the brig- of Xoloc
an tines to retire, and we arrived with them at the
causeway. Here I determined to land with thirty
men and capture two small towers i of their idols,
which were surrounded by a low wall of stone and
mortar ; and, when we landed, they fought us
very stoutly to defend them, but finally after much
danger and trouble we captured them. I immedi-
ately landed and mounted three heavy iron field
pieces which I had brought. As about half a league
of that causeway between that point and the city was
crowded with the enemy, and on both sides of the cause-
way the water was covered with canoes full of warriors,
I ordered one of the field pieces to be aimed and fired,
which raked the causeway, and did much execution
amongst the enemy. Owing to the carelessness of the
gunner, all our powder was set fire to when he fired,
although it was little. I presently sent a brigantine to

» This was the small fortress called Xoloc, which stood at the
junction of the causeways leading to Itztapalapan and Cuyoacan
respectively. It consisted of two small towers surrounded by a
wall, and was not large enough to hold a numerous garrison, and
hence was easily captured by the Spaniards. It was just after
passing Xoloc that the first meeting between Montezuma and Cortes
took place.

70 Letters of Cortes

Iztapalapa, some two leagues distant, where the alguacil
mayor was, to bring all the powder he had.

Although, at the beginning, it was my intention on
embarking in the brigantines to go to Cuyoacan and plan
to do as much damage as possible, as soon as I had landed
on the causeway that day and had captured those two
towers, I determined to establish my headquarters there,
and to keep the brigantines near the towers. I also
ordered the force at Cuyoacan and some fifty of the
alguacil mayor's soldiers to come there next day. Hav-
ing determined these measures, we passed the night with
caution, for we were in much danger, as all the people
of the city gathered there on the causeway and on the
water. At midnight a great multitude of people arrived
in canoes and began to attack our camp by the causeway :
certainly they threw us into great fear and alarm, es-
pecially as it was at night and they never attack at such
an hour nor had they ever been seen to fight at night
except when they were very sure of victory. As we
were well prepared, we fought with them, using the small
field pieces from the brigantines, each of which carried
one, and the archers and musketeers did their part. Thus
they dared not advance further, nor did they arrive near
enough to do us any injury; so they left off attacking
us for the remainder of the night.

Next morning at daybreak, there arrived at my camp
on the causeway, fifteen archers and musketeers, fifty
men armed with swords and shields, and seven or eight
horsemen from the garrison at Cuyoacan. When they got
there, those of the city were fighting with us from canoes
and on the causeway, and the multitude was such that
on land and water we could see nothing but people, who
shouted and yelled so that it seemed the world was sinking.
We fought with them, advancing on the causeway and
capturing a bridge which they had removed, and a barri-
cade they had made at its entrance. We did them such

Third Letter 71

damage with the field pieces and the horsemen, that we
almost shut them up amidst the first houses of the city.
As many canoes were collected on the other side of the
causeway where the brigantines could not pass, doing us
much harm with the arrows and darts they discharged
at us on the causeway, I ordered an opening to be made
near our camp, and sent four brigantines through from
the other side, which as soon as they passed through, shut
up all the canoes amongst the houses of the city, so that
they did not dare in any way to come out into the open.
On the other side of the causeway, the other eight brigan-
tines fought with the canoes and shut them up amongst
the houses, following in amongst them, where, until
then, they had not ventured to go, because there were so
many shallows and stakes which prevented them. When
they found canals where the brigantines could enter with
safety, they fought with the people in the canoes and
captured some of them, and burned many of the houses
in the outskirts. We spent all that day in fighting in the
aforesaid manner.

The following day, the alguacil mayor departed from
Iztapalapa with his people, Spaniards as well as our
allies, for Cuyoacan whence there is a cause- Cortes
way about a league and a half in length to Completely
the mainland. After making about a quarter Invests
of a league, the alguacil mayor reached a small
city [Mexicaltzingo] which is also on the water, in
many parts of which it was possible to ride on horse-
back; the inhabitants began fighting with him, but he
routed them, killing many, and burning and destroy-
ing the entire city. When I learned that the Indians
had made a great breach in the causeway, which the
people could not easily cross, I sent two brigantines
to help them, and these were used as bridges for the
foot soldiers to cross over. When they had crossed, they
went to camp at Cuyoacan, and the alguacil mayor with

72 Letters of Cortes

ten horsemen took the causeway road to our camp.
Upon his arrival he found us fighting, so he and his men
joined in and began to fight with the people on the cause-
way with whom we were engaged. When the alguacil
mayor began to fight, the enemy pierced his foot with
a dart, but, although he and some others were wounded
that day, we did such harm amongst them with the
large field pieces and cross-bows and muskets, that
neither those in the canoes, nor those on the causeway,
dared come near us, but showed more fear and less pride
than they had formerly exhibited. Thus we remained
six days, having daily combat with them, and the brigan-
tines set fire to all the houses they could in the outskirts
of the city, for they discovered canals by which they
could enter the outskirts and environs, and penetrated
to the heart of it.

This produced a very desirable effect, as they put
a stop to the movements of the canoes, none of which
dared to come within a quarter of a league of our
camp. The next day, Pedro de Alvarado, captain of
the garrison at Tacuba, reported to me that the people
of Temixtitan came in and out as they pleased by a high-
way which leads to some towns on the mainland, and
by another small one which joins it, and he believed
that should they find themselves hard pressed, they
would escape by that way. Although I desired their
departure more than they themselves did, as we could
more easily overcome them on the mainland than in the
big fortress they had on the water, nevertheless in order
to completely shut them in so that they could not profit
by anything from the mainland, I ordered the alguacil
mayor (although he was wounded), to go and plant his
camp at a little village at the end of one of the two
causeways. He left with twenty-three horsemen, a
hundred foot soldiers, eighteen archers and musketeers,
leaving me fifty other soldiers for my company; and,

Third Letter 73

when he arrived the next day, he planted his camp where
I had commanded him. Thenceforward the city of Temix-
titan was surrounded on all sides wherever they could
reach the mainland by the causeways.

I had, Very Powerful Lord, two hundred Spanish
foot soldiers in the camp on the causeway, amongst whom
were twenty-five archers and musketeers, besides the
people on the brigantines, who were more than two hun-
dred and fifty. As we had the enemy completely in-
vested and had many friendly warriors, I determined to
penetrate into the city as far as possible by the causeway,
while the brigantines should cover our rear on the one
side and the other. I ordered some horsemen and foot
soldiers of the division in Cuyoacan to repair to my camp
and enter with us, and ten horsemen to remain at the
entrance of the causeway, protecting our rear. It
seemed best that some force should remain in
Cuyoacan, because the natives of Suchimilco, Culuacan,
Iztapalapa, Chilobusco, Mexicalcingo, Cuitaguacad,
and Mizquique, which are all on the water, were
rebellious and in favour of those of the city, and should
they wish to take us on our rear, we would be protected
by those ten or twelve horsemen I ordered to guard the
causeway, while many more remained in Cuyoacan with
more than ten thousand Indian allies. I likewise ordered
the alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado to attack,
from their positions, that same day, for I wished on my
part to gain as much of the city as was possible.

Thus, I left the camp early in the morning, and ad-
vanced on foot along the causeway. We speedily found
the enemy, defending a breach in the road,
one lance-length in width and as much in Entrance
depth, where they had built an earthwork; int0 the
both our attack and their defence were City

very stubborn. Finally we took it, and advanced fur-
ther by the causeway, until we reached the entrance of

74 Letters of Cortes

the city, where stood a tower of their idols, at the foot
of which was a broad, high bridge, crossing a very
wide street of water defended by another strong earth-
work. As we reached this place, they began to attack
us, but as the brigantines were on both sides of the cause-
way, we took it without loss, which would have been
impossible without their aid. As soon as they began to
abandon the earthwork, our men landed from the brigan-
tines, and we crossed the water, as did those of Tascaltecal,
Guajocingo, Calco, and Tesaico, who were more than eighty
thousand men. While we filled up that broken bridge
with stones and adobes, the Spaniards captured another
earthwork in the principal street, which is the broadest
one in the city, but, there being no water there, it was
very easily captured. They followed in pursuit of the
enemy the whole length of the street until the latter
reached another bridge which had been raised, with the
exception of one broad beam by which they crossed.
After the enemy had safely crossed to where they
were protected by the water, they quickly removed
it. They had thrown up on the other side of the
bridge another great breastwork of earth and adobes.
When we arrived there, we could not pass without
throwing ourselves into the water, and this was very
dangerous, as the enemy fought very valiantly, and
on both sides of the street there was an infinite
number of them fighting very stoutly from the roofs;
but when some archers and musketeers arrived and we
fired with two field pieces up the street, we did them
much damage. As soon as we saw this, certain Span-
iards threw themselves into the water and crossed to the
other side, which it required two hours to accomplish.
When the enemy saw them cross, they abandoned the
breastwork and the roofs, and took to flight through the
street, and thus all our people passed over.

I immediately ordered that bridge filled up and the

Third Letter 75

breastwork destroyed, and meanwhile the Spaniards
continued the pursuit along the street and our Indian
allies followed for about two bow-shots distance until
they reached another bridge which is near the square
and the principal buildings of the city. They had not
removed this bridge nor did they have an earthwork,
for they never thought we would gain what we did that
day, nor did even we expect to accomplish half as much.
A field piece was placed at the entrance of the square,
and did the enemy much damage, for they were so
numerous that they completely filled the space. The
Spaniards, seeing there was no water there, which was
the usual danger, determined to penetrate into the square,
and, when those of the city saw this determination
carried out, and beheld the great multitude of our allies,
(although they were not afraid of them without us) they
fled, and the Spaniards and our allies pursued them till
they shut them up in the court of their idols, which is
surrounded by a wall of stone and mortar. As will have
been seen from another description of this, it has as great
a circumference as a town of four hundred households;
it was however quickly abandoned by them, and the
Spaniards and our allies captured it, remaining in it and
on the towers for a long while. When the inhabitants
of the city discovered there were no horsemen, they
turned against the Spaniards and expelled them by
force from the towers and the court and enclosure, during
which our men found themselves in much hardship and
danger ; as they came in more than a retreat J they turned
under the arches of the courtyard. But the enemy at-
tacking them very stoutly, they abandoned this position
and retired to the square, whence they were expelled
by force and driven into the street, so that the field piece
there had to be abandoned. The Spaniards, being unable

1 Como iban mas que retraiendose is the quaint device of Cortes to
avoid saying that the Spaniards were in full flight.

76 Letters of Cortes

to withstand the force of the enemy, had to retreat exposed
to great danger, in the midst of which it pleased God that
three horsemen should advance into the square; when
the enemy saw them they believed there were more,
and took to flight ; and the horsemen killed some of them
and recaptured the court and enclosure I mentioned above.
In the principal and highest tower, which has a hundred
and some steps to the top, ten or twelve of the principal
Indians of the city fortified themselves, but four or five
Spaniards forced their way up and overpowered and
killed all of them in spite of their stout defence. * Five
or six horsemen afterwards concerted with others and laid
an ambush in which they killed more than thirty of the
enemy.

As it was now late, I ordered our people to collect
and retire, and, while doing so, such a multitude of
the enemy pressed on them, that, had it not been for
the horsemen, the Spaniards could not possibly have
escaped without injury. But, as I had had all the diffi-
cult passes in the street and causeway, where danger was
anticipated, well filled in with adobes by the time of re-
tiring, the horsemen could easily move about, so they
turned against the enemy, who were harassing our rear-
guard four or five times in the length of the street, killing
some of them with their lances. Although the enemy
saw they sustained damage, the dogs rushed on so furi-
ously that we could not check them nor would they stop
following us. The whole day would have been spent
in this manner, had they not already taken many
terraces giving on to the street, and the horsemen were

i The Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, is authority for the story
that Cortes and his Texcocan ally, Prince Ixtlilochitl, headed this
assault upon the great teocalli, penetrating into the sanctuary of the
idol; and that Cortes himself tore away the jewelled mask of gold from
the idol's face while the Prince of Texcoco struck off its head with his
sword. In the absence of any mention of these details by Cortes or
any other witnesses, this version seems unworthy of credence.

Third Letter 77

from this cause in much danger. Thus we hastened
forward along the causeway to our camp without losing
a single Spaniard, although we had some wounded; and
we set fire to most of the best houses in that street, so
that when we entered again they could not injure us
from the roofs. The alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alva-
rado fought very stoutly this day from their positions,
and at the time of the combats we were a league and a
half from one another; the population of the city is so
extended that perhaps I even diminish the distance be-
tween us. Our allies who were with them were infinite
and fought very well, retiring that day without sustaining
any loss. i

In the meantime, Don Fernando, Lord of Tesaico and
the province of Aculuacan, of whom I have heretofore
made relation to Your Majesty, succeeded in Don

winning over all the natives of his city and Fernando
province to our friendship, who till now ofTexcoco
were not so steadfast in it as they afterwards be-
came. Many chiefs and the brothers of Don Fernando
daily joined him, determined to declare for us and
to fight against those of Mexico and Temixtitan. As
Don Fernando was still a youth and professed great
love for the Spaniards, recognising the favour, which, in
the name of Your Majesty, had been extended to him in
the gift of so great a lordship, though there were others

« It seems incredible that neither Spaniards nor allies should
have sustained any loss in this long day's fighting, which, though it
ended to their advantage, had witnessed their utter rout and the
capture of their gun on the square. Bernal Diaz, who was fighting
under Alvarado, on the causeway from the Tacuba side, gives a more
convincing description of the daily losses and the wounds which the
men had to dress as best they could when they returned at night to
their camp. There was a soldier Juan Catalan, who was reputed to
have the gift of healing by prayer and charms, who had his hands full,
as the Indians also placed faith in him, and brought him all their
wounded. "I say," he piously adds, "that it pleased our Lord Jesus
Christ in his mercy to give us strength and to speedily heal us. "

78 Letters of Cortes

whose rights to it preceded his, he worked his utmost
to induce his vassals to come and fight against those
of the city, and expose themselves to the same dan-
ger and hardship as we ourselves. He spoke with his
brothers, six or seven in number, all well disposed, be-
seeching them to bring all the people of their lordships
to help me. »He sent one of them, called Istrisuchil,
who is twenty-three or twenty-four years of age, very
brave, beloved and feared of all, as captain, who arrived
at the camp on the causeway with more than thirty
thousand warriors, very well supplied in their fashion,
and another twenty thousand joined the other two
camps. 1 I received them gladly, thanking them for
their good disposition and conduct. Your Caesarian
Majesty may well judge how valuable was this help and
friendship from Don Fernando, and how those of Temix-
titan felt it, to see those whom they considered their
vassals, friends, relatives, and even fathers, brothers, and
sons, marching against them.

Fighting went on in the city for two days, as I have
said above. As soon as these people came to our help,
the natives of Suchimilco, which is on the lake, and some
Utumie2 tribes who are a mountain people, more nu-

» The Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, contradicts Cortes on this
point, affirming that the boy-king Fernando was already dead,
and that his brother Ixtlilochitl reigned. Both these princes bore
the same Christian name of Fernando, hence the natural and unim-
portant confusion of their identity, but, as Cortes says nothing of
the first one's death, which he could have no motive in misrepresenting,
and distinguishes very clearly between the two, his version, given at
the time, must prevail over that of a later writer. The same chronicler
claims that Ixtlilochitl fought throughout the siege with the Span-
iards, performing prodigies of valour, and he reproaches Cortes for
suppressing all mention of these services in his despatches, and for
failing to recompense him and his people after the victory to which
their valour so largely contributed (Orozco y Berra, lib. iii., cap. vi.).

2 Otomies : tribes inhabiting the mountain regions to the west.
Orozco y Berra gives June nth as the probable date of their arrival
in the camp.

Third Letter 79

merous than those of Suchimilco, and who were slaves
of Montezuma, came to offer themselves as vassals of
Your Majesty, begging me to pardon their tardiness. I
received them very well, and was pleased at their coming,
for they constituted the only danger to our camp in
Cuyoacan.

From the camp on the causeway we had, with the help
of the brigantines, burned many houses in the outskirts
of the city, and not a canoe dared venture there. I
deemed it sufficient for our safety to keep seven brigan-
tines about our camp, and I therefore decided to send
three to each of the other camps of the alguacil mayor and
Pedro de Alvarado, instructing the captains that, as
supplies of fresh water, fruits, maize, and other pro-
visions came from the mainland on those sides, they
should cruise about both day and night, taking turns,
and moreover that they should back up our people when
we planned an assault to force an entrance into the city.
The allotment of these six brigantines to the two other
camps was a very necessary and profitable measure,
for every day and night they captured many canoes and
prisoners.

These measures being decided, and the people above
mentioned having come peaceably to our help, I told
them I had determined to enter and fight in the city
two days hence, that therefore they should all assemble,
by that time, well prepared and furnished for war; for
by this I would recognise whether they were our true
friends ; and they promised to be ready. The next day, I
had the people prepared and equipped, and I wrote to
the camps and two brigantines what I had determined
and what they should do.

After having heard mass next morning, and having
instructed the captains as to what they should do, I left
our quarters with fifteen or twenty horsemen and three
hundred Spaniards and all our allies, who were an

80 Letters of Cortes

infinite number, and, advancing along the causeway, we
found the enemy already waiting for us, three bow-
Second shots from the camp, yelling fearfully. During
General the three preceding days there had been no
Assault on fighting with them so they had undone all we
the City jia(^ accomplished in filling up the breaches in
the causeway, making them very much stronger and
more dangerous to capture than before. The brigan-
tines accompanied us on both sides of the causeway,
for they could approach very near, and do much damage
with field pieces, muskets, and crossbows. Discovering
this, our men landed and captured the breast-works and
bridge; we crossed to the other side and pursued the
enemy, who immediately fortified themselves in the
other breast- works and bridges they had prepared, which,
although with greater trouble and danger than before,
we also captured, expelling them from the street and
square where the great houses of the city stand. I ordered
that no Spaniard should leave there while I and our
allies were filling the breaks in the causeway with stones
and adobes, which was such a labour, that although ten
thousand Indians helped us, it was already the hour of
vespers when we had finished making repairs ; during all
which time the Spaniards and our allies were constantly
fighting and skirmishing and preparing ambushes, in
which many of the enemy perished. I rode with the
horsemen through the city for a while, and in the streets
where there is no water, we killed with our lances all
whom we could catch, thus holding them at a distance,
nor did they dare to come on dry ground. Seeing that
they were so rebellious and showed such determination to
defend themselves to the death, I inferred two things :
first that we should recover little or none of the treasures
they had taken from us, and the other, that they gave
occasion and forced us to totally destroy them. This
last reason caused me the greater grief, for it weighed

Third Letter 81

on my soul and made me reflect on what means I might
employ to frighten them, so that they should realise
their error and the injury they would sustain from us ;
and I kept on burning and destroying the towers of their
idols and their houses. In order to make them feel it
the more, I this day ordered fire to be set to the great
houses in the square, where the Spaniards and I had
first been quartered when they expelled us from the city.
They were so extensive that a prince with more than six
hundred persons of his household and retinue could be
lodged in them. Some others close to them, though
somewhat smaller, were also very splendid and fine, and
Montezuma kept all kinds of birds in them. Although
it grieved me much, I determined, as it grieved them
even more, to burn these edifices. This seemed to cause
the enemies immense sorrow, as well as to their allies in
the cities about the lake, for none of them ever thought
our force would be sufficient to penetrate so far into the
city; and they were greatly dismayed. After setting
fire to those houses, I collected our people, as it was
already late, in order to return to our camp, and,
when those of the city saw we were retiring, an infinite
number of them charged us and fell upon us furiously,
attacking our rear-guard. As the whole street was
available to the horsemen, we turned on them, lancing
many every time; nevertheless they would not keep
away from our rear, yelling all the time. On this day,
they felt and showed great dismay, especially when they
saw us in their city, burning and destroying it, and the
natives of Tesaico, Calco, Suchimilco, and the Otomies
fighting against them, each shouting the name of his
province; and in another quarter those of Tascaltecal,
all showing them their countrymen cut in pieces, telling
them they would sup off them that night and breakfast
off them next morning, as in fact they did. We returned
to our camp to rest, for we had laboured much during

YOL. II. — 6

82 Letters of Cortes

that day, and my seven brigantines had entered that
day into the city by the water streets and burned a greater
part of it. The captains of the other camps and the six
brigantines fought very well that day, and about what
happened to them I might dilate a great deal, but to
avoid prolixity, omit doing so, and limit myself to saying
that after the victory they retired to their camp without
suffering any loss.

Early in the morning of the following day, after having
heard mass, I returned to the city with all the people
Third *n ^e same order, so as not to give the

General enemy time to excavate the bridges and re-
Assault on build the barricades ; but notwithstanding that
* e lty we were very early, two of the three water
streets, which crossed the street leading from this
camp to the large houses of the square, had been re-
established as during the preceding days and were very
difficult to capture; so much so that the combat lasted
from eight o'clock in the morning till one o'clock in the
afternoon, during which we used up almost all the arrows,
ammunition, and musket balls, which the archers and
musketeers had with them. Your Majesty may well
believe that our danger each time we captured these
bridges was unequalled, because to take them, the Span-
iards were obliged to swim across to the other side, which
many could not do, because the enemy awaited them with
knife and lance thrusts to prevent their landing. But
as they no longer had roofs on the other side from whence
to injure us, and we used our crossbows from this side
on them (for we were the throw of a horseshoe from each
other), the Spaniards daily gathered new courage and
were determined to cross, for they saw my determination,
and sink or swim, the thing must be done. It may seem
to Your Majesty, that after having gone through such
danger to gain these bridges and barricades, that we were
negligent in not holding them after having won them, so

Third Letter 83

as not to be obliged every day to again go over so much
danger and trouble, which unquestionably were very
great, and certainly it must appear thus to those who
were absent. But Your Majesty should know that this
could in no wise be done, because two things were re-
quired to do it, either that the camp should be trans-
ferred from where it was to the square enclosure of the
towers of the idols, or that a guard should be placed at
the bridges during the night; and neither one nor the
other could be done without great danger, nor was there
possibility of it, because placing the camp in the city
we should have had to sustain a thousand contests day
and night and at every hour, and they would have fought
us and given us intolerable labour, attacking us on every
side, they being so many and we so few. As for placing
people to guard the bridges by night, the Spaniards were
so weary after fighting all day, that it was impossible
to do this, and hence we were obliged to retake them
every day when we entered the city. That day, as we
were delayed in retaking those bridges and refilling them,
no time was left for anything else, except that by another
principal street leading to the city of Tacuba, two other
bridges were captured and filled up, and many good
houses in this street were burned; thus the afternoon
came on and with it the hour for retiring, which was
always accompanied by little less danger than taking
the bridges, for seeing that we were in retreat, those of
the city would recover as much courage as if they bad
won the greatest victory in the world, and we were flying
from them. To retire it was necessary that the bridges
should be well filled up and made level with the ground
of the streets, so that the horsemen might freely gallop
from one place to another; and as they pursued so eagerly
we sometimes feigned in the retreat to be flying, and then
the horsemen would turn on them and we would always
capture twelve or thirteen of the bravest, and with these

84 Letters of Cortes

manoeuvres and some ambushes we constantly laid for
them, they would always get the worst of it. Certainly
it was an admirable thing to see, for, although the injury
and damage, with which they were threatened from us
at the hour of our retreat, was notorious, they would
nevertheless follow us until they saw us out of the city.
With this we returned to our camp, and the captains of the
other camps reported to me that they had done very well
that day, and had killed many people by water and land.

The captain Pedro de Alvarado who was in Tacuba,
wrote to me that he had captured two or three bridges,
for he was on the causeway which leads from the market
of Temixtitan to Tacuba, and the three brigantines I had
given him could reach a landing place on the same cause-
way, and he had not been exposed to as much danger as
on the preceding days, and where he was there were more
bridges and breaks in the causeway, although there were
fewer roofs than in the other directions.

During all this time the natives of Iztapalapa, Oichilo-
buzco, Culuacan, Mezquique, and Cuitaguaca, which as
Defection * nave sa^ are on the fresh-water lake, would
of the never seek peace, nor had we all this time

Mexican's sustained any injury from them; and as the
Calcans were very loyal vassals of Your Ma-
jesty, and saw that we had enough to do with those
of the great city, they joined with other towns on the
borders of the lake, to do all the damage they could to
those towns on the water. Seeing we were daily vic-
torious over those of Temixtitan, and on account of the
injury they were sustaining and might sustain from our
friends, these rebellious natives determined to come;
and they arrived in our camp and besought me to pardon
them the past, and to order the Calcans and their other
neighbours to do them no further injury. * I told them

1 The perfidy of these people dealt a terrible blow to Quanhte-
motzin and the defenders of Temixtitan, for to their defection they

Third Letter 85

I was pleased with this and harboured no anger against
any except those of the city; and that we might believe
their friendship sincere, I prayed them, that inasmuch as
I was determined not to raise the siege till I had taken
the city by peace or war, and as they had many canoes
capable of aiding me, they should prepare everything
they could with as many warriors as were in their towns,
to henceforward aid us on the water. I also prayed them
that inasmuch as the Spaniards had few and miserable
huts, and it was the rainy season, to build us as many
houses in the camp as they could, and to bring adobes
and beams from the houses of the city which were nearest
to the camp. They answered that the canoes and
warriors were prepared every day, and they served me so
well in building the houses, that, between the two towers
on the one side and the other and the causeway where I
was lodged, they built so many that from the first house
to the last, there was a distance of three or four bow-
shots. Your Majesty may see how broad is this causeway,
which crosses the deepest part of the lake, from the fact
that between these houses, built on both sides, there was

added treachery of the blackest complexion. Their chiefs appeared
before the Emperor with offers of assistance, which were gratefully
accepted by the hard-pressed sovereign. Their troops were assigned
places, and, when the fighting began, made a feint at first of attacking
the Spanish allies, but afterwards suddenly turned their arms against
the Mexicans who were of course taken completely by surprise; their
chiefs quickly rallied, however, and bringing up fresh troops the
traitors soon got the worst of it, and, leaving many dead, and others
prisoners, the remainder fled from the city. The prisoners were up-
braided by Macehuatzin, lord of Cuitlahuac, who decapitated four
of the principal ones with his own hand and delivered the others
to Quauhtemotzin, who ordered them to be sacrificed in the temples
of Mexico and Tlatelolco (Sahagun, lib. xii., cap. xxxiv. ; Torquemada,
lib. iv., cap. cxiii.). One of the worst effects of the defection of the
lake towns was to cut off the supplies of fresh water and food, which,
in spite of the vigilance of the brigantines, they had found means to
transport into the beleaguered city. Henceforth hunger was added
to the horrors of the siege, while the Spanish camp was enriched by
supplies of fresh provisions.

86 Letters of Cortes

ample room to go and come on foot and horseback. There
were constantly in the camp, between Spaniards and
Indian servants, more than two thousand persons. All
the warriors, our friends, were lodged in Cuyoacan, a
league and a half from the camp ; and the people of these
towns likewise supplied us with provisions, of which we
stood in great need; especially with fish and cherries, of
which there is such a quantity about here, that, during
the five or six months of the year they last, they are
sufficient for double the inhabitants of the country.

As we on our side had entered the city two or three
days successively, besides three or four before, and had
always been victorious against the enemy and had killed
an infinite number, with our field-pieces, crossbows, and
muskets, we thought that any hour they would move to
propose peace, which we desired as our own salvation;
but nothing availed to bring them to this determination.
To reduce them to greater straits, and to see if they could
be forced to make peace, I decided to enter the city each
day in three or four divisions. I therefore ordered all the
people of the cities situated on the water, to come in their
canoes, so that day there were in our camp more than
a hundred thousand men, our friends. And I ordered
the four brigantines, with half the canoes (as many as
fifteen hundred) to go on one side, and the other three,
with as many more canoes, to go on another, and overrun
the greater part of the city and burn and do all the damage
they could. I entered by the principal street and found
it all free up to the large houses of the square, none of the
bridges having been opened. I advanced to the street
which leads to Tacuba, where there were six or seven
bridges. From there, I ordered a captain to enter another
street, with sixty or seventy men and six horsemen to
protect their rear, and with them went more than ten
or twelve thousand Indians, our friends; and I ordered
another captain to do the same in another street; and I,

Third Letter 87

with the remaining people, advanced on the street to
Tacuba. We captured three bridges which we rilled
up, and, because it was already late, left the others for
another day, when it could be better done, for I wished
to occupy that street so that the people of Pedro de
Alvarado' s camp might communicate with ours, and go
from one camp to the other, and the brigantines the same.
That day was one of great victory, both on water as well
as land; and some plunder was obtained from the city.
In the camps of the alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado
there was also great victory.

The next day, I again entered the city in the same order
as before, and God gave us such a triumph that, in the
parts where I penetrated, there seemed to be Disastrous
no resistance at all, and the enemy retired so Operations
rapidly that it appeared we had captured of Alvarado
three-fourths of the city. The division of Pedro
de Alvarado also attacked them briskly, and, un-
doubtedly on that day and the day before, I was posi-
tive they would sue for peace, in favour of which, with or
without victory, I made every demonstration I could.
Nevertheless, we saw no sign of peace in them, and we
retired that day to our camp, very gladly, although we
were grieved to our very hearts to see their determination
to die. In these past days, Pedro de Alvarado had cap-
tured many bridges, and, in order to hold and defend
them, he placed a guard of foot soldiers and horsemen on
them throughout the night, while the remainder of his
people returned to camp, three-quarters of a league from
there. As this labour was unendurable, he determined
to move his camp to the end of the causeway leading to
the market place of Temixtitan, which has a square much
larger than that of Salamanca, all surrounded by arcades,
to reach which it was necessary to capture only two or
three more bridges, but as they were very broad and dan-
gerous, he was occupied in it some days, during which he

88 Letters of Cortes

fought constantly, and obtained victory. And that day
of which I spoke in the past chapter, when he saw the
enemies waver, and that where I was engaged they gave
continual and stout combats, he got such a taste of victory
with the bridges and barricades he had captured, that
he determined to pass them, and capture a bridge where
they had destroyed the causeway for more than sixty
paces, and where the water had entered to a depth of
about nine feet; and as the attack was made the same
day and the brigantines helped so much, he crossed the
water and captured the bridge and pursued the enemy
who fled. Pedro de Alvarado hastened to have that
pass filled so that the horsemen might cross, and also be-
cause I had daily admonished him by writing and by
word of mouth not to gain a palm of ground without hav-
ing the exit and entrance for the horsemen absolutely
assured, as they in reality sustained the war. When the
enemy saw there were only forty or fifty Spaniards and
some of our friends on the other side, and that the horse-
men could not cross, they turned on them so quickly that
they drove them back and into the water, where they cap-
tured three or four Spaniards alive, who were immediately
sacrificed ; and they killed some of our friends. !

1 Cortes says nothing of the losses suffered by the Spaniards
during the operations of these days, though they were considerable
enough to merit notice. The Mexicans had arranged a clever device
for capturing the brigantines, which was partially successful. They
stationed thirty of their largest canoes, full of warriors, amongst some
rushes, and drove a number of stakes into the bottom of the lake in
such wise as to impede the movements of the brigantines. Some
smaller canoes, such as usually carried supplies, were then sent into
the open, where they were quickly discovered by the Spaniards, who
gave chase, allowing themselves to be drawn into the trap, where the
stakes interfered with their movements. The captain of one of the
brigantines, Portillo, was killed, and Pedro Barbo was mortally
wounded; many others were wounded, and the Mexicans carried off
one brigantine in triumph. They paid dearly for this victory, for
Cortes was so much mortified by this disaster, that a counter ambus-
cade was prepared, which drew the Mexicans successfully, and in which

Third Letter 89

Finally Pedro de Alvarado retired to his camp, and
when I arrived in ours that day and learned what had
happened, it caused me the greatest grief in the world, as
this was an event to encourage the enemy, and they might
think that we would not again dare to enter. The reason
why Pedro de Alvarado wished to take the bad pass, was,
as I say, because he had overcome a great part of the
Indians' force, and they showed some weakness, and
chiefly because his people importuned him to capture the
market-place; for, having gained that, almost the entire
city would be taken, as all the forces and hopes of the
Indians centred there : and, as Alvarado' s men saw that
I stoutly continued to combat the Indians, they feared

they suffered severe loss of many canoes, a number of slain, and others
prisoners. The Aztecs had one formidable warrior of giant stature,
called Tzilacatzin, who was wonderfully skilful with his sling, every
stone he sent bringing down its man. He was made the aim of all
the Spanish archers, and musketeers, his great stature making him
easily distinguishable, but they could never hit him. On one of these
days eighteen Spaniards were captured alive and sacrificed, their
bodies being afterwards cut up and distributed to be eaten. Another
day a furious assault led by a daring warrior of Tlatelolco called
Tlapanecatl, almost succeeded in capturing the ensign Corral who
carried the Spanish standard, and did carry off no less than fifty-three
Castilian prisoners, besides numerous of the allies, and four horses
all of whom were sacrificed in the various temples. In the rout of
Alvarado, which Cortes here briefly mentions, but which was a com-
plete disaster, five more Spaniards were taken alive, besides many
Indian prisoners; a horseman and his horse were drowned, and the
survivors, all badly wounded, and utterly demoralised, drew off to
their camp amidst the victorious shouts of the Mexicans. The latter
followed up to the very camp, but were repulsed with loss by a small
battery stationed there, which was worked by an able engineer, named
Medrano. The guns were so placed that they raked the entire cause-
way, and as the brigantines used their guns on both sides, the camp
was effectively protected (Bernal Diaz, cap. cii.; Sahagun, lib. xii.,
cap. xxxvi.; Torquemada, lib. iv., cap. xciii.). Alvarado was an
intrepid commander, and, nothing daunted by his repulse, he
continued for four days to renew his attack at the same point, until,
on Friday, June 28th, he finally captured the bridge. Six more
Spaniards perished in these combats, besides the wounded and allies
whose dead were unnumbered.

90 Letters of Cortes

that I might capture the market place before they did,
and as they were nearer to it than we, they held it as a
point of honour to take it first. For this reason the said
Pedro de Alvarado was much importuned, and the same
happened to me in our camp, for all the Spaniards eagerly
besought me to enter by one of the three streets lead-
ing to the market-place, for we found little resistance,
and that once captured we would have less hardship. I
alleged every possible reason for not doing it, although
I concealed the real cause, which was the inconvenience
and dangers which presented themselves to me; for in
order to reach the market-place, there were infinite roofs
and bridges and broken causeways, so that each house
by which we had to pass, was converted into an island
surrounded by water.

When I learned, that afternoon upon reaching the
camp, of Pedro de Alvarado's disaster, I determined to
go to his camp the next morning, to rebuke him for what
had happened, and to see what had been accomplished,
and where he had moved his camp, and to advise him as
to his security, and for the attack on the enemy. I was
undoubtedly astonished, when I reached his camp, to
see how far towards the middle of the city it was, and the
bad places and bridges he had taken, so that I no
longer blamed him so much as he had seemed to deserve ;
having talked with him, therefore, about what he should
do, I returned that day to our camp.

This finished, I effected several entries into the city at
the usual points, and the brigantines and canoes fought
Impatience m two places, and I in four others within the
of Cortes's city, and we always obtained the victory, and
Division many of the adversaries were killed because
numberless people daily returned in our favour. I
hesitated to penetrate farther into the city, on the
one hand that our enemies might reconsider their de-
termination and stubbornness, and on the other because

Third Letter 91

our entrance could not be effected without great dan-
ger, as they were very united, strong, and desperate
unto death. As the Spaniards observed such delay,
and that for more than twenty days they had never
ceased righting, they importuned me, in such manner as
I have heretofore stated, to enter and take the market-
place, because, having gained that, the enemy would have
little space left to them from which to defend themselves,
and, if they did not surrender, they would die from hunger
and thirst, having no water to drink save the salt water of
the lake. When I excused myself, the treasurer of Your
Majesty told me that the entire camp insisted upon it, and
that I ought to do it. I answered him and other persons
who were in favour of this plan, that their object and
wish were excellent, and that I desired, to do it more than
anybody else, but that I refrained for the reason his
importunity forced me to say; which was that, although
he and others approved of it, there might be others who,
on account of the great danger would not. And finally,
they forced me so much that I agreed to do what I could,
after first consulting the people of the other camps.

The next day I conferred with some of the principal per-
sons of our camp, and we agreed to notify the alguacil
mayor and Pedro de Alvarado that we would enter the city
on the following day, and make an effort to reach the
market-place, and I wrote to them what they were to do
on the Tacuba side, and, besides writing, I sent two of my
servants to explain the whole business, that they might
be better informed. The course they were to follow was
this: The alguacil mayor was to come, with ten horse-
men, one hundred foot soldiers, and fifteen musketeers,
to Pedro de Alvarado' s camp, leaving in his own camp ten
other horsemen, with whom he should arrange that they
were to lie in ambush behind some houses at the hour
of the next day's battle; and that he should remove
all his baggage as though he were breaking up his camp,

92 Letters of Cortes

so that when the enemy came in pursuit, those in
ambush would fall upon their rear. The said alguacil
mayor with his three brigantines and the three of Pedro
de Alvarado were to take that bad pass, where Pedro de
Alvarado had been routed, filling it up quickly, and in
marching forward they were not to advance one step
without having first filled it up and repaired it; and, if
they could advance to the market-place without any great
risk or danger, they were to make every effort to do so,
as I would do the same; and they were to note well that,
although I sent to say this, I did not oblige them to ad-
vance a single step which might expose them to any defeat
or mishap, and that I communicated this to them because
I knew them, and that they would put their face to what
I ordered them, even though they knew that by it they
might lose their lives. My two servants went to the camp
and met the said alguacil mayor and Pedro de Alvarado
there to whom they stated the case as we had agreed here
in our camp. As they had to fight in one place only, and I
in many, I had asked them to send me seventy or eighty
foot soldiers who would enter with me next day; these
came with my two servants and all slept that night in my
camp according to the orders which I had sent them.

This order given, the next day, after having heard mass,
the seven brigantines with more than three hundred

canoes of our friends, left our camp, and I,
The Attack
on the with twenty-five horsemen, my people, and

Market- the seventy men from the camp of Tacuba,
place began our march and entered the city, where

I divided them in this manner: From the point we
had already reached, three streets led to the market-
place, which the Indians called Tianguizco, l and into the
principal one, leading to the said market-place, I told
Your Majesty's treasurer and accountant [Julian de Al-
derete] to enter, with seventy men and more than fifteen

1 Tianguiz or Tianquiztli is the Mexican word for market.

Third Letter 93

or twenty thousand of our friends, and that in his rear he
should take seven horsemen; and that as they captured
the bridges and barricades they should be filled up; and
they took a dozen men with picks in addition to our
friends, who were most useful for the purpose of rilling up
the bridges. Two other streets lead from the streets of
Tacuba to the market-place and are narrower, having
more causeways, bridges, and water streets, and I ordered
two captains to enter by the broadest of them, with eighty
men and more than ten thousand Indians, our friends, and,
at the mouth of that street of Tacuba, I placed two
heavy field pieces with eight horsemen to guard them.
With eight other horsemen and one hundred foot soldiers,
amongst whom were more than twenty-five archers and
musketeers, and with an infinite number of our friends, I
pursued my road, penetrating by the other narrow street
as far as possible.

I halted the horsemen at the entrance of it, and ordered
them on no account to advance from there, nor to follow
after me unless I first ordered them to do so. I then dis-
mounted and we arrived at a barricade they had made
at the end of a bridge, which we took with a small field
piece, the archers and musketeers advancing by a cause-
way, which the enemy had broken at two or three different
places. Besides these three combats we waged, our
friends who entered by the roofs and other places were
so numerous that it did not seem that anything could
resist us. When the Spaniards took those two bridges,
the barricades, and the causeway, our friends advanced
by the street without taking any spoils, while I re-
mained with about twenty Spaniards on a small island.
I observed that certain of our friends were engaged
with the enemy, who sometimes would repel them, driv-
ing them into the water, but with our assistance they
would turn again upon them. Besides this we took care
that from certain cross streets those of the city should

94 Letters of Cortes

not sally out to take at their backs the Spaniards, who
were advancing along the street.

They sent to tell me at this time that they had advanced
much and were not very far from the market-place, and
in any case they wished to push on because they already
heard the combat which the alguacil mayor and Pedro
de Alvarado were waging on their side. I sent orders
that they should on no account advance a step without
leaving the bridges well filled up, so that, if they needed
to retreat, the water would be no obstacle or embarrass-
ment, for therein lay the danger; and they returned to
tell me that all they had gained were well repaired and I
might go myself and see if it was so. Dreading that they
might go astray, and commit blunders respecting the fill-
ing up of the ditches, I went thither, and found that they
had passed over a ditch in the street which was ten paces
broad, with water flowing through it ten feet in depth,
and that in passing they had thrown wood and maize and
reed grass into it ; as they had passed few at a time and
with care, the wood and maize had not sunk, and they,
in the joy of victory, were going ahead so recklessly that
they believed the work had been very thoroughly done.
The moment I reached that wretched bridge, I saw the
Spaniards and many of our friends returning in full flight,
and the enemy like dogs setting on them; and, seeing the
impending mishap, I began to cry, Stop! Stop! but when I
arrived at the water I found it full of Spaniards and In-
dians as though not one straw had been put into it. The
enemy charged so furiously, killing amongst the Spaniards,
that they threw themselves into the water with them,
and their canoes came by the water streets and captured
the Spaniards alive. As the affair came about so sud-
denly, and I saw the people being killed, I determined to
remain there and die fighting; and the most that I and
my men could do was to lend our hands to some unlucky
Spaniards who were drowning and help them out; and

Third Letter 95

some came out wounded and others half drowned and
others without weapons. I sent them on ahead. Such
was the number of the enemy that they surrounded me
and some other ten or fifteen who had remained with me.

Being entirely occupied in helping those who were
drowning, I had not observed or thought of my own dan-
ger, and already certain Indians had grasped Perilous
me and would have carried me away had it Position of
not been for a captain of fifty whom I always Cortes
had with me, and another youth of my company,
who, after God, gave me my life, and, in giving it
me, as a valiant man he there lost his own. Mean-
while, the Spaniards who had been routed were retreat-
ing by the causeway, and as it was small, and narrow,
and on a level with the water which those dogs had inten-
tionally prepared in this manner, and as many of our own
friends, who had also been routed, were also going by it,
the road was so encumbered, and there was such a delay
in advancing, that the enemy had time to come up from
both sides and take and kill as many as they chose. And
that captain who was with me, called Antonio de Qui-
nomes, said to me, " Let us go away from here and save
yourself, as you know that without you none of us can
escape"; but seeing that he could not prevail upon me
to go, he grasped me by the arms, to force me to
retire. Although I would have rejoiced more in death
than in life, by the importunity of that and of my other
companions, we began to withdraw, fighting with our
swords and bucklers against the enemy, who surrounded
us. At this moment a servant of mine rode up on horse-
back and cleared a little space, but immediately a lance
thrown from a low roof struck him in the throat, and
overthrew him.

In the midst of this great conflict, waiting for the
people to pass that small causeway and reach safety
while we held back the enemy, a servant of mine ar-

96 Letters of Cortes

rived with a horse for me to mount, because such was
the quantity of mud on that small causeway, brought
there by those who fell in and climbed out of the water,
that no one could keep his feet, especially on account
of the jostling of one another in trying to save them-
selves. I mounted, but not to fight, because it was
impossible on horseback; for, could it have been done,
those eight horsemen whom I had left on a small island
at the beginning of the causeway would have been there,
but they could not do other than go back by it, and even
the return was so perilous that two mares mounted by
my servants fell from the causeway into the water, one
of whom the Indians killed and the other some of our sol-
diers saved. Another young servant of mine called Cris-
tobal de Guzman mounted a horse, which was given to
him at the small island to bring to me to save me, and he
and the horse were killed by the enemy before they
reached me; his death filled the whole camp with such
sadness that the sorrow of those who knew him is still
fresh to-day. Finally it pleased God that, after all our
troubles, those who were left should reach the street
of Tacuba, which is very broad, and, having collected
the people, I, with my horsemen, stopped in the rear,
where the enemy were charging with such triumph and
pride that it seemed that they would leave nobody alive.
Retiring as best I could, I sent word to the treasurer and
accountant to retreat to the square in good order. I sent
the same order to the other two captains who had entered
by the street leading to the market, both of whom had
fought valiantly and captured many barricades and bridges
which they completely filled up, from which cause they
were able to retreat without injury. Before the treasurer
and accountant retired from the breastwork where they
were fighting, those of the city had already thrown two
or three heads of Christians at them, although then they
did not know whether they came from Pedro de Alvarado's

Third Letter 97

camp or from ours. And we all gathered in the square,
so many of the enemy charging on us from every side
that we had enough to do to keep them off, and even
in places where before this rout they would never have
dared to come, they killed three horsemen and ten soldiers.
Immediately after, in one of the towers of their idols
which was near the square, they offered many perfumes and
incense of gums which they use in this country, very much
like anime, offering them up to their idols in sign of vic-
tory ; and even if we had wanted to stop this it could not
be done, as almost all the people were already hasten-
ing towards the camp. In this rout, the adversary killed
thirty-five or forty Spaniards and more than one thousand
Indians, our friends, and wounded more than twenty Chris-
tians; and I came out wounded in one leg. A small field
piece was lost and many crossbows, muskets, and arms. 1

i This was the last victorious day for the Mexicans, and wit-
nessed their culminating effort against their foes. Quauhtemotzin
was everywhere present amongst his troops, urging them to a supreme
struggle, and sounding his trumpet of conch-shell, "upon hearing
which signal" Bernal Diaz says, "it is impossible to describe the fury
with which they closed upon us" (cap. ciii.). Dominating the shouts
of "Santiago!" the screams of the wounded, the crash of arms, and
the fierce war-cries of the Mexicans, was heard the lugubrious roll of
the sacred Tlapankuekuetl of serpents' skins which the priests beat with
inspired frenzy before the war-god on the teocalli. Cortes again owed
his escape from instant death to the determination which obsessed
the Mexicans to take him alive for the sacrifice. His rescuer was the
same Cristobal de Olea who had once before come to his aid in a moment
of peril at Xochimilco ; with one blow of his sword he cut off the arm
of the warrior who held the general, falling dead himself the next
moment.

Bernal Diaz says that Olea slew four chiefs before he himself fell
(loco citato).

Seven horses were killed, seventy Spaniards were captured alive,
Cortes was badly wounded in the leg; Sandoval likewise in three
places and both his division and that of Alvarado suffered serious
reverses. When an account came to be taken of the extent of the
disaster, dismay filled the sinking hearts of the Spaniards, and the
Indian allies began to doubt the power of the teules and to ask
themselves whether they were not after all fighting on the wrong side.

Cortes threw the blame for this catastrophe on Alderete, who had dis-

VOL. II.— 7

98 Letters of Cortes

Immediately after obtaining this victory, the defenders
of the city, in order to frighten the alguacil mayor and
Sacrifice of Pedro de Alvarado, took all the living and
the Spanish dead Spaniards whom they had captured, to
Captives Tlaltelulco, which is the market, and, in some
lofty towers there, they stripped them and sacrificed
them, opening their breasts and taking out their hearts
to offer them to the idols. This the Spaniards in
Pedro de Alvarado' s camp could see from where they
were fighting, and in the naked white bodies which they
saw sacrificed they recognised that they were Chris-
tians; and, although they were saddened and dismayed

obeyed his order never to advance without first securing his retreat.
Alderete denied that he had ever had any such order, and declared
that it was Cortes who had urged the troops forward. Recrim-
inations and censures were thus exchanged, for naturally nobody
would accept responsibility for such a calamity; it appears certain
that Cortes had not been in favour of the assault, but had allowed
his better judgment to be overruled by his companions, who were
weary of the daily fighting, and thought they could storm the
Tlateloco market-place, and so end the siege.

While gloom reigned in the Spanish camp, there was exultation
amongst the Mexicans whose waning hopes of victory were revived
by their success. The priests proclaimed that the war-god was
appeased by the savour of so many Spanish victims and within eight
days would give his faithful a complete victory over the impious
invaders. This oracle was published amongst the allies, and shook
their wavering faith in the Spaniards; they saw that the city stub-
bornly held out, they perceived that the strangers were neither in-
vincible nor immortal, and, as the ancient superstitious fear of their
gods reasserted itself, tens of thousands quietly detached themselves
from the Spanish camp and marched off homewards. Cortes used
every effort to hold them and urged that they should at least wait
eight days and see whether the prophecy was fulfilled before deciding
against him. The Tlascalan general, Chichimecatecle, and Prince
Ixtlilxochitl of Texcoco remained steadfast to their sworn allegiance.
The latter was naturally an object of peculiar hatred to the Mexicans,
who reviled him, and heaped imprecations on him as a renegade from
his race, and a traitor to his country. If he felt these taunts, he did
not betray his feelings, but day after day joined in the scenes of
carnage, facing both danger and obloquy unmoved. For five days
there was some respite, the Spaniards nursing their wounds and pre-

Third Letter 99

by this, they retreated into their camp, having fought
very well that day and arrived almost to the market-place
which would have been won that day if God, on account
of our sins, had not permitted so great a misfortune. We
returned to our camp sadly, somewhat earlier than we
were accustomed to on other days ; also because we heard
the brigantines were lost as the Mexicans had fallen on
our rear with the canoes, though it pleased God that this
should not be true. The brigantines and canoes of our
friends had indeed fotxnd themselves in tight straits;
so much so that a brigantine was almost lost, and the

paring for a resumption of hostilities, while the Mexicans were en-
gaged in making overtures to win back their faithless subjects and
allies.

The situation of the Spaniards was well-nigh desperate, but that of
the Mexicans was hardly better, for famine stalked their streets,
claiming as many victims as the Spanish cannon, and terribly weak-
ening the defenders of the city. The besiegers tenaciously held their
position on the causeways, and, aided by the brigantines, on the lakes,
were unceasingly vigilant in maintaining the blockade.

Throughout the siege there were a few Spanish women — some of
them described as "wives" of the soldiers — in camp, who displayed
scarcely less courage than the men, for, not only did they occupy them-
selves in the nursing which is women's natural function in wartime,
but they even mounted guard to relieve the weary soldiers, who
needed rest; and instances are given of their joining in the actual
fighting. Cortes had intended leaving all these women at Tlascala,
but his proposed order to that effect aroused such opposition, es-
pecially among the women themselves who declared that Castilian
wives, rather than abandon their husbands in danger, would die with
them, that it was never given. Little has been said of the courage and
devotion of these obscure heroines, but Herrera has recorded the
names of five, Beatriz de Palacios, Maria de Estrada, Juana Martin,
Isabel Rodriguez, and Beatriz Bermudez, as meriting honorable
mention in the annals of the conquest.

The eight days appointed by the priests for the destruction of the
besiegers expired, and the prophecy remained unfulfilled; seeing which
the vacillating allies returned to the Spanish camp in large numbers
where the politic general received them with his customary imper-
turbable urbanity, and, after reproaching them for their faithless
desertion in a panic of foolish superstition, declared that he pardoned
their fault and accepted them once more as vassals of Spain, and his
allies.

ioo Letters of Cortes

captain and the master were both wounded, the captain
dying within eight days.

That day, and the following night, the people of the city
rejoiced greatly with trumpets and kettle-drums so that
it seemed the very world was sinking, and they opened
all the streets and bridges over the water, as they had
them before, and lighted fires, and placed night watchmen
at a distance of two bow-shots from our camp ; for, as we
were all so disordered, and wounded, and without arms,
we needed to rest and recuperate ourselves. Meanwhile
the enemy had time to send their messengers to many
provinces subject to them, telling them how they had ob-
tained a great victory and killed many Christians, and
that they would soon finish all of us, and that by no means
would they sue for peace with us; and the proofs they
carried were the heads of the two horses and some of
those Christians they had killed, carrying them about, and
showing them wherever it seemed useful, which confirmed
the rebels more than ever in their stubbornness. How-
ever, lest they should become too proud and divine our
weakness, some Spaniards on foot and on horseback, with
many of our friends, would go into the city to fight every
day, albeit they never could gain more than some of
the bridges of the next street before reaching the square.

Two days after our rout, which was already known in
all the neighbourhood, the natives of a town called Cuar-
naguacar [Cuernavaca], who had been subject to the city
but had given themselves for our friends, came to the
camp and told me that the people of Marinalco, *
their neighbours did them much injury and destroyed
their fields, and that they also had joined with the
large province of Cuisco,2 and intended to attack
them and kill them because they had given themselves
as vassals of Your Majesty, and our friends; once the peo-

1 Malinalco.

2 Probably Huisuco.

Third Letter 101

pie of Cuarnaguacar were destroyed, their enemies would
then come against us. Although what had passed
was still so recent, and we were rather needing to
receive than to give help, since they asked it of me with
such urgency, I determined to give it to them, although
I encountered much opposition, and it was said that in
taking people from our camp I was destroying myself.
I dispatched eighty foot soldiers and ten horsemen under
Captain Andres de Tapia with those who had come to
ask our aid, charging him earnestly to do whatever was
required for Your Majesty's service and for our secur-
ity; as he saw the need in which we were, he should
spend not more than ten days in going and coming.
He left, and reached a small town between Marinalco
and Coadnoacad, ! where he found the enemy expecting
him; and he, with the people of Coadnoacad and those
he had with him, began his battle on the field, and our
forces fought so well that they routed the enemy, pur-
suing them until they reached Marinalco, which is situated
on a very high hill where the horsemen could not approach.
Seeing this, they destroyed that part which is in the
plain, and returned to our camp within the ten days.
In the upper part of this town of Marinalco, there
are many fountains of excellent water, a very refreshing
thing.

While this captain was absent, some Spaniards on
foot and on horseback entered with our friends into the
city as far as the large houses which are on the square,
to fight, as I have already said ; they could not advance
further because the enemy had opened the water street
which is at the entrance of the square and is very broad
and deep ; and, on the other side, there was a very large
and strong entrenchment, where they fought with one
another until night separated them.

A chief of the province of Tascaltecal, called Chichi-

i Cuernavaca again though Cortes varies his incorrect spelling.

102 Letters of Cortes

mecatecle, of whom I have heretofore written that he
had bought the timbers that had been prepared in
Exploits of tnat province for the brigantines, had resided
Chicheme- with his people, since the beginning of the
catl war> m the Camp of Pedro de Alvarado;

and when he saw, after the preceding rout, that the
Spaniards did not right as before, he determined to
make an entrance with only his own people. Leaving
four hundred of his bowmen at a dangerous broken
bridge he had taken, (which had never before happened
without our aid), he and his people advanced with great
shouts, cheering and naming their province and lord.
They fought very bravely that day and there were many
wounded and dead on both sides; and those of the city
believed that they had trapped them because it is their
custom, when their adversaries retire, to follow them
with much persistence, although it be without chance
of victory, believing that in crossing the water, where it
sometimes happens there is a certain danger, they may
take revenge on them. To forestall this danger and to
provide help, Chichimecatecle had left four hundred bow-
men at the water pass, and, while his men were retiring,
those of the city suddenly charged them, and the warriors
of Tascaltecal threw themselves into the water, and, under
the protection of the bowmen, they crossed, leaving the
enemy greatly surprised at the resistance they en-
countered, and at the daring which the Chichimecatecle
had displayed.

Two days after the Spaniards had returned from fight-
ing in Marinalco, as Your Majesty will have seen in the
chapter before the last, there arrived at our camp, ten
Indians of the Otumies who had been slaves to the in-
habitants of the city, and, as I have said, had given them-
selves as vassals of Your Majesty, coming every day to
help in fighting; and they told me that the lords of the
province of Matalcingo, who are their neighbours, made

Third Letter 103

war upon them, and destroyed their land, burned a
town, captured some of the people and were destroy-
ing everything they could, intending to come to our
camps and attack us, so that those of the city could
sally forth and overcome us. We gave credit to most of
this, because, each time, for a few days past, that we had
entered to fight, the Culuans had threatened us, with the
people of this province of Matalcingo, which, though we had
not much information, we well knew was large and twenty-
five leagues distant from our camp. In the complaint
these Otumies made of their neighbours, they gave us
to understand that they wanted help, and, although
they asked it at a very needy time, confiding in the help
of God, and in order to break the wings of those of the
city who daily threatened us with these people and hoped
for aid, which could only come from them, I determined
to send Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, with
eighteen horsemen and one hundred foot-soldiers, amongst
whom there was only one bowman: he departed with
them and the Otumies, our friends; and God knows the
danger which attended all who went as well as all who
were left. But, as it was necessary to show more courage
and valour than ever, and to die fighting, we hid our
weakness from friends as well as from foes, and many
and many times the Spaniards declared they hoped it
might please God to leave them their lives and to see
them victorious over the city, even though no other
profits should come to them neither in it, nor in any other
part of the country; by which the risk and extreme need
in which we found ourselves and our lives may be judged.
The alguacil mayor left that day, and slept in a
town of the Otumies which is on the frontier of Marin-
alco, and, the following day, he started very early, ar-
riving at some small hamlets of the said Otumies, which
he found deserted, and a good part of them burnt. Ad-
vancing more on to the plain, he found near a river bank

104 Letters of Cortes

many warriors who, having just finished burning another
town, retreated when they saw him. On the road, were
found many loads of maize and roasted children which
they had brought as provisions and which they left
behind them when they discovered the Spaniards coming.
After crossing a river a little ahead of them in the plain,
the enemy began to recover, and the alguacil mayor
charged on them with the horsemen and put them to
confusion; and they fled on the road straight towards
their town of Matalcingo, about three leagues from there,
the pursuit lasting until the horsemen had shut them all
up in the town. There they awaited the Spaniards and
our allies who were killing those who had been stopped
and left behind by the horsemen. More than two thou-
sand of the enemy perished in this pursuit. When those
on foot and our friends, who were more than sixty thou-
sand, overtook the horsemen, they began to rush towards
the town where the enemy made a stand, while the women
and children, goods, and chattels, were safe in a fort
situated on a very elevated hill near that place. But as
our force fell on them suddenly, they forced the warriors
also to retire to the fort on that elevation, which was
very steep and strong. They burned and sacked the
town in a very short time, but the alguacil mayor did not
attack the fort, as it was late and also because his men were
very tired for they had fought during the entire day.
The enemy spent that night in yelling and in making
an uproar with their kettle-drums and trumpets.

The next day, in the early morning, the alguacil mayor
led all the people to scale the enemy's fort, though fear-
ful of finding himself in difficulties from their resistance.
On arriving, however, they found none of the adversaries,
and certain of our Indian friends, descending from the
elevation, said that there was nobody there and that all
the enemy had left at daybreak. In the midst of this,
they discovered on all the surrounding plains, a great

Third Letter 105

number of people, who were Otumies, and the horsemen,
believing that they were enemies, galloped towards them
and lanced at three or four of them; and as the language
of the Otumies is different from that of Culua they did
not understand them, except that they threw away their
arms and came towards the Spaniards, who even after that
lanced three or four. But they understood well enough
that this had happened from our men not recognising
them. As the enemy did not wait, the Spaniards de-
termined to return to another of their towns which was
also hostile; but, seeing such a force come against them,
the inhabitants came out peaceably. The alguacil
mayor spoke kindly to the chief of that town, and told
him that he already knew that I would receive with good
will all who came to offer themselves as vassals of Your
Majesty although they might be very culpable; that he
besought him to speak with those of Matalcingo so that
they might come to me of their own choice; he agreed
to do this and also to bring those of Marinalco to peace.
Thus victorious the alguacil mayor returned to his camp.
On that day, some Spaniards fought in the city, and
the citizens had sent word to ask our interpreter to
come, because they desired to discuss peace, Fjrst

which, as it appeared, they wished only on the Overtures
condition that we should all leave the country. for Peace
They did this with the object of resting some days
and of furnishing themselves with necessaries, al-
though we never overcame their disposition to fight.
While engaged in these parleys with the interpreter,
our people were very near the enemy with only a broken-
down bridge between them, and an old man amongst
them in full sight of all very slowly drew from his pro-
vision bag certain things which he ate, so as to give
us to understand that they were not in want, for we
had told them that they would starve to death; and
at this our friends assured the Spaniards that the peace

106 Letters of Cortes

was all a pretence and that they wished to fight. That
day, however, no other fighting took place, because the
chiefs told the interpreter to call me.

Four days after the alguacil mayor had returned from
the province of Matalcingo, the chief of it and those of
Marinalco and the province of Quiscon, which is large
and important and had also rebelled, came to our
camp and asked pardon for the past, offering to serve
well ; and thus they did and have done until now. While
the alguacil mayor was away in Matalcingo, those of the
city determined to come at night and fall on the camp
of Alvarado. A quarter before dawn, they made the
attack, and, when the watchmen on horseback and foot
perceived them, they called "To Arms," and those who
were ready charged on them. When the enemy per-
ceived the horsemen, they threw themselves into the
water; in the meantime our people came up and fought
them for three hours. When we in the camp heard one
of the field pieces firing, fearing they might be routed, we
ordered the people to arm themselves and enter the city,
so as to thus draw off the attack from Alvarado. As the
Indians found the Spaniards so courageous, they decided
to return to the city, where we continued to fight during
the day.

By this time, those who had been wounded in our rout
were already recovered, and the ship had arrived at
Villa Rica, belonging to Juan Ponce de Leon, * who had
formerly been routed in the country or island of Florida.
They sent me certain powder and crossbows, of which
we stood in very extreme need; and now, thanks to
God, all [about here there is not a province which is

« A gentleman who first came to San Domingo with Columbus in
1493: he landed on the coast, which he named Florida, in 15 12, when
sailing under a commission from Don Diego Columbus, governor of
San Domingo. Instead of discovering the fountain of perpetual youth
he had come to seek, he was wounded in a skirmish with the Indians
from which he died in Cuba.

Third Letter 107

not in our favour. Seeing that the people of the city-
were so rebellious, and displayed such determination to
die as no race had ever shown, I knew not what means
to adopt to relieve our dangers and hardships, and to
avoid utterly destroying them and their city, which was
the most beautiful thing in the world. It was useless
to tell them that we would not raise our camps, or that
the brigantines would not cease to make war on them,
or that we had destroyed those of Matalcingo and Marin-
alco, and that nowhere in the country was anyone left
to help them, or that they could not obtain maize, nor
wheat, nor fruit, nor water, nor any provisions from
anywhere. The more I spoke of these things, the less
sign of yielding did we see in them; rather we found
them more courageous than ever, both in their fight-
ing and their scheming. Seeing that things went on
in this way, and that already more than forty-five
days had been spent in this siege, I determined to
take means towards our security and to further straiten
the enemy. This latter consisted in our gaining the
streets of the city and demolishing all the houses on both
sides, so that henceforward we would not go one step
ahead without levelling everything, so that which was
water should be made into dry land, no matter how much
time it took. I called the lords and chiefs of our allies
and told them what I had determined, so that they might
have their workmen bring their spades and coas, which
are certain poles which they use, similar to the Spanish
hoe. They answered me that they would do this with
the best good will, and that it was a very good decision
at which they rejoiced greatly, because they perceived
that in this way the city would be destroyed, which was
what they desired more than anything else in the
world.

Three or four days passed in concerting this plan;
the people of the city easily divined that we were

108 Letters of Cortes

planning some mischief against them, and they also,
as it afterwards appeared, were arranging what they
The could for their defence, as we likewise con-

Destruction jectured. Having concerted with our friends
of Mexico that we Would attack them by land and
water, the next morning, after having heard mass, we
took the road to the city, and when we reached the
water pass and barricade near the great houses of the
square, intending to attack them, the people of the city
asked us to be quiet as they wished to sue for peace. I
ordered my people to cease fighting, and told them that
the lord of the city should come there to speak to me, and
arrange the conditions of the peace. After telling me
that they had already gone to call him, they detained
me for more than an hour, but in truth they did not
want peace, as they themselves immediately showed, for,
while we were quiet, they began to throw adobes and
darts and stones at us. When I saw this, I attacked the
barricades and captured them, and on entering the
square we found it strewn with large stones to impede
the horses moving over it; for generally it is these which
do the most fighting. We also found a street barricaded
with dry stones, and another filled with stones, so that
the horses could not pass through them. During the
rest of that day, we filled up the water street which
leads out from the square, so that the Indians never
opened it again, and thenceforward we began, little by
little to destroy the houses and to shut up, and fill up
completely, all we had gained on the water. As we were
accompanied all day by more than one hundred and
fifty thousand warriors, a good deal was accomplished;
and thus we returned that day to our camp, and the
brigantines and canoes of our friends, after doing much
damage to the city returned to rest. The next day we
again entered the city in the same order, as far as the
enclosure and large court where the towers of the idols

Third Letter 109

are. I ordered the captains to do nothing else but fill
up the water streets and level the dangerous passes we
had captured ; and as for our friends, some of them should
level and burn the houses and others should fight in the
customary places, while the horsemen should guard the
rear of all. I ascended the highest tower that the Indians
might recognise me, for I also knew that they would be
much vexed to see me mounted on the tower; and from
there I encouraged our friends and gave aid wherever
it was necessary, while they were incessantly fighting.
Sometimes it was the adversaries who retreated, and
sometimes our allies whom three or four horsemen aided
and inspired with infinite courage to turn against the
enemy.

In this wise and order, we entered the city on the five
or six following days, and always at the hour of re-
treat we would put our allies ahead and post a num-
ber of Spaniards in ambush in some of the houses,
the horsemen remaining behind and feigning to retreat
hastily, so as to bring them out of the square. With
these and the ambushes of the foot soldiers we would kill
some of them every afternoon with our lances. On one
of these days there were seven or eight horsemen in the
square, hoping the enemy would come out, but, as they
saw that they did not appear, they feigned to retreat,
and the enemy, fearing that they would be caught at the
corner, as had sometimes happened, stationed themselves
by some walls and roofs in an infinite number. As the
horsemen, who were eight or nine, charged towards them,
the Indians held the entrance of the street from above
so that they could not pursue those of the enemy who
passed through it; so they were obliged to retire. The
enemy, elated by having forced us to retreat, charged
very lustily, and were so well on their guard that without
themselves being injured they forced the horsemen to
retreat, and wounded two horses. This prompted me

no Letters of Cortes

to arrange a good ambush, as I will recount hereafter
to Your Majesty. The afternoon of that day, we re-
turned to our camp, leaving everything we had gained
assured and levelled, and the people of the city very
boastful because they believed that we had retired out
of fear. That afternoon, I called the alguacil mayor by
messenger to come to our camp before daybreak with
fifteen of his own and Pedro de Alvarado's horsemen.

The alguacil mayor arrived the following morning at
the camp with fifteen horsemen, and I obtained another
The twenty-five from those at Cuyoacan, so that

Ambush in there were forty in all. I ordered ten of
the Square them to join in the morning with our force,
and in conjunction with the brigantines to go in the
same order as heretofore to attack the enemy and
to destroy and capture everything possible; when the
time for them to retire came, I would start with the
other thirty horsemen. When the larger part of the
city was demolished they should in the melee drive
the enemy into their entrenchments and water streets,
keeping them there until the hour of retiring, when I and
the other thirty horsemen would secretly form an am-
buscade in the large houses in the square. The Span-
iards did as I ordered, and at one o'clock after mid-day
I set out with the thirty horsemen, and stationed them
in those houses while I went to the city and mounted
the high tower as I habitually did. While I was there,
some Spaniards opened a sepulchre and found in it more
than fifteen hundred castellanos worth of articles in gold.
At the hour of returning, I ordered that they should
begin to withdraw in a compact body, and that from the
first moment of leaving the square the horsemen should
feign an attack, behaving as though they hardly dared
to make it, choosing the time when they saw a great
number of people in and about the whole square. The
men posted in ambush longed for the hour to arrive,

Third Letter in

because they much desired to act their part well, and
were already tired of waiting. I then joined them, as
the infantry and horsemen began retiring through the
square, accompanied by the Indians our friends, who
understood all about the ambush. The enemy rushed
out, yelling as if they had gained the greatest victory in
the whole world, and the nine horsemen feigned to charge
them across the square, and then suddenly to fall back;
and, when they had done this twice, the enemy acquired
such fury that they pressed up to the very croups of
the horses and were thus decoyed towards the end of the
street where the ambush was laid. When we saw the
Spaniards had passed ahead of us, and heard the shot
of a gun fired which was the signal agreed upon, we knew
that the time to sally forth had arrived; and, with the
cry of "Senor Santiago!" we suddenly fell upon them,
and rushed forward into the square with our lances,
overthrowing and stopping many, which latter our
friends, who joined in the pursuit, were able to capture.
In this ambush more than five hundred, all of the bravest
and most valiant of their principal men were killed, and,
that night, our allies supped well, because they cut up
all those whom they had killed and captured to eat.
Such was the fright and wonder of the enemy at seeing
themselves suddenly routed that there was no more
shouting the whole afternoon, nor did they dare to show
their heads in the streets, nor on the roofs, except where
they were entirely protected and safe. About nightfall,
the people of the city sent certain slaves to see if we had
retired, or what we were doing. As they appeared in
the street, some ten or twelve horsemen charged and
pursued them, so that none of them escaped.

Such was the consternation of the enemy from this,
our victory, that during the rest of the war they never
again dared to enter the square when we were retiring,
even if only one horseman was there; nor did they ever

ii2 Letters of Cortes

dare to come out against an Indian or foot soldier, fearing
that another ambush might spring up beneath their feet.
The victory God was pleased to give us that day was one
of the principal causes why the city was taken sooner,
for the natives were dismayed by it and our friends
doubly encouraged; so we returned to our camp, in-
tending to hasten on the war, and, until we finished it,
not to let a single day pass without entering the city.
We suffered no loss that day, except that, during the
ambush, some of the horsemen collided with each other,
and one was thrown from his mare, which galloped
directly towards the enemy who wounded her severely
with arrows, and she, seeing the ill-treatment she got,
returned to us; and that night she died. Although we
grieved exceedingly at it, for the horses and mares gave
life to us, our grief was less than had she died in the hands
of our enemies, as we feared would happen; had such
been the case, their satisfaction would have outweighed
their grief for those we had killed. The brigantines and
canoes of our friends made great havoc that day in the
city without suffering any loss.

We already knew that the Indians of the city were
much discouraged, and two poor creatures, who came
Suffering in out by night to our camp because they were
the City starving, told us that during the night they
came to hunt amongst the houses and search in those
parts we had already captured, looking for herbs and
wood and roots to eat. Since we had already filled
up many of the water streets, and repaired many of
the bad places, I determined to enter the city be-
fore daybreak, and do all the damage I could. The
brigantines left before dawn and I with twelve horse-
men and some foot soldiers and our friends, came
in suddenly, having first placed spies, who, at day-
break made signs to us in our ambush to come and
charge on a vast number of people. But they were of

Third Letter 113

the most miserable class who had come out to search
for something to eat, most of them being unarmed, and
women and boys. We did much damage amongst them
all over the city, wherever we were able to move about,
so that between prisoners and killed they exceeded more
than eight hundred, and the brigantines also captured
people in canoes who were fishing, making great havoc
amongst them. As the captains and chiefs of the city
saw us moving about at an unaccustomed hour, they
became as frightened as by the recent ambush, and none
dared to come and fight with us, so we returned to our
camp well satisfied with great spoils and food for our
friends.

The next morning, we entered the city, and, as our
friends had observed the systematic order we followed
in the destruction of it, the multitude which daily came
with us was beyond all reckoning. We finished taking
the whole street of Tacuba that day and filling up the
bad places in it, so that the people from Pedro de Alva-
rado's camp could communicate with us through the
city. We won two other bridges on the principal street
leading to the market-place, filling them up, and we
burned the houses of the lord of the city, who was a
youth of eighteen, called Guatimucin, being the second
ruler since the death of Montezuma ; and the Indians had
many strong places amongst these houses, as they were
large and solid and surrounded by water. Two other
bridges were also captured in other streets which run
near the one leading to the market, and many passes
were filled up, so that three of the four quarters of the
city were already ours, and the Indians could only retreat
to the strongest part of it only, which comprised the
houses furthest out in the water.

The following day, which was the feast of the Apostle
Santiago [July 25th], we entered the city in the same
order as before, following the large street to the market-

VOL. II. — 8

ii4 Letters of Cortes

place and capturing a broad water street where the enemy
was well fortified. We were delayed there for some time ;
and it was dangerous capturing it, nor were we able to
fill it up in the whole of the day (as it was very broad),
so that the horsemen could cross to the other side. The
Indians, seeing we were all on foot, and that the horsemen
had not passed over, attacked us with some fresh troops,
many of them very splendid; but, as we turned upon
them with our many archers, they retreated towards
their barricades and forts, badly wounded with arrows.
Besides this, all the Spanish foot soldiers carried their
pikes, which I had ordered made after our rout, and which
were very useful. Nothing was heard all day on each
side of the principal street but the burning and destroying
of the houses, which was certainly pitiful to see, but as
nothing else could avail we were obliged to follow those
tactics. When the people of the city saw such ruin, they
encouraged themselves by telling our friends to go on
burning and destroying as it was they who would have
to rebuild the city in any case, because if they [the Mexi-
cans] were victorious they would make them do it, and
if not they would have to rebuild it for us ; and it pleased
God that this last should turn out to be true, for they
are indeed the ones who have to do this work. x

Very early on the morning of the next day, we entered
the city in the customary order, and, arriving at the
water street which we had filled up the day before, found
it in the same state we had left it; and, advancing about
two bow-shots, we captured two large ditches of water,
which had been cut in the same street, and arrived at
the small tower of their idols, in which we found certain
heads of Christians whom they had killed; a sight which
filled us with much commiseration. And from that tower,

»The logic of this taunt was verified later, as Cortes observes,
for the work of rebuilding the city fell upon the Indian allies who had
destroyed it.

Third Letter 115

the street in which we were, led straight to the causeway
of Sandoval's camp, and, on the left side, another street
in which water no longer flowed, led to the market;
they still held only one against us, nor could we
pass it that day, though we fought the Indians stoutly.
God, Our Lord, gave us victory every day, and the worst
always fell on them. It was late that day when we
returned to our camp.

The next day, while preparing to return to the city
about nine o'clock in the morning, we observed from our
camp that smoke was rising from the two highest towers
which were in Tatelulco, or the market-place of the city.
This we could not understand, for it seemed something
more than the incensing which the Indians usually
made to their idols, so we suspected that Pedro de Alva-
rado's men had arrived there, and, although this was the
fact, we could not believe it. Pedro de Alvarado's men
certainly behaved very valiantly, for there were many
bridges and barricades to capture and the greater part
of the enemy always came to defend them; but as he
saw that on our side we were hedging the enemy in,
he did everything he could to enter the market-place,
because their whole strength was centred there. How-
ever, he could arrive only within sight of it, and capture
those towers and many others which adjoin the same
market-place, forming an enclosure almost like that of
many of the towers in the city; the horsemen had hard
work and were forced to retreat with their horses wounded,
and thus Pedro de Alvarado and his people returned to
his camp. We could not, that day, capture a bridge and
water street which still remained to be taken in order
to reach the market-place, without filling up and levelling
all the bad places, and on retiring they pressed us very
hard, although at their cost.

We again entered the city on the morning of the fol-
lowing day, and, encountering no obstacle before reach-

n6 Letters of Cortes

ing the market-place, except a water course and its
barricade near the small tower of which I have spoken,
we attacked it, and the standard bearer and two or
three other Spaniards threw themselves into the water,
so the defenders immediately abandoned the pass, which
we filled and made passable for the horsemen. While
we were repairing it, Pedro de Alvarado arrived by the
same street with four horsemen, to our mutual satis-
faction, for this was the way to speedily finish the war.
Pedro de Alvarado left a file of guards in the rear, not
only for the purpose of preserving what had been won,
but also for his protection, and, as the pass was quickly
repaired, I, with some horsemen, went to view the market-
place, and ordered that the others should not advance
beyond that pass. Afterwards we reconnoitred the
square for a short time, inspecting its arcades whose
roofs were full of the enemy. As the square was very
large, and they saw the horsemen moving about there,
they did not dare to attack. I ascended that large
tower which adjoins the market-place, in which, and
in others also, we found the heads of the Christians whom
they had killed and offered to their idols, as well as
those of the Indians of Tascaltecal, our friends between
whom and the Mexicans there was a very ancient and
cruel feud. I saw from that tower that we had without
doubt captured seven-eighths of the city, and, seeing
that such a number of the enemy could not possibly hold
out in such straits, chiefly because those houses left them
were so small and each built over the water, and above
all because of the great famine prevailing amongst them,
for we found the gnawed roots and bark of trees in the
streets, I determined to suspend fighting for a day and
devise some measure to save this multitude of people
from perishing. The harm done them caused me such
compassion and distress that I continually importuned
them with offers of peace, but they answered that in no

Third Letter 117

wise would they surrender and that only one man being left
he would die fighting, and that of all they possessed we
could never obtain anything for they would burn it and
throw it into the water whence it would never more
appear. Not wishing to return evil for evil, I dissembled,
and refrained from fighting.

As very little powder was left to us, we had in the last
fifteen days discussed somewhat about making a cata-
pult;1 and, though there was no first-class The
master-workman who knew how to do it, Catapult
some carpenters offered to make a small one. Al-
though I always believed that we would not succeed
in this work, I consented that they should make it,
and, in those days when we had the Indians cor-

t A soldier called Sotelo, native of Seville, who claimed to have
seen much service in Italy, and to know all about the construction of
engines of warfare, proposed to Cortes to make this catapult. As
Bernal Diaz says, he was eternally talking about the wonderful military
machines he could build, with which he promised to destroy in two
days the remaining quarter of the city, where Quauhtemotzin held
out. The commander consented to the trial, and stone, lime, timber,
cables, and all the necessary materials, were furnished, together with
carpenters, and masons, to carry out Sotelo's instructions. The ma-
chine was erected on the platform of masonry known as the Mumuztli,
a sort of theatre which stood in the square, and the process of its
construction was watched with exultant expectations by the Indian
allies, who foresaw the wholesale destruction of their enemies by
means of the mysterious machine. They indulged in jubilant prophe-
cies, and called on the Mexicans to observe the growth of the engine
destined to accomplish their overthrow. The Mexicans were equally
impressed by the strange monster, and watched its building with the
feelings of one in the condemned cell, who hears the workmen building
the scaffold on which he is to perish at dawn. The day of the trial
(August 6th) arrived, and a huge stone was fired which instead of
flying over into the Indian quarter where it was aimed, shot up into
the air, and fell back into exactly the place from whence it departed.
Cortes was furious with Sotelo, and ashamed of the failure in the
presence of the gazing multitude: the luckless inventor was in dis-
grace, and the catapult remained one of the standing jokes in the
army. Infusing some gaiety into the company this invention may be
said to have served some good purpose, even though not exactly the
one expected of it.

n8 Letters of Cortes

nered, they finished it and took it to the market-place
to station it on a sort of square theatre which stands in
the middle, and which is built of stone and mortar and is
about fourteen feet in height, and about thirty paces
long from one corner to the other; when they celebrated
their plays and festivals, the performers placed them-
selves on this where all the people in the market both
above and below the arcades could see them. After
the catapult was brought there, three or four days were
occupied in placing it, and the Indians our friends
threatened those of the city with it, telling them that
with this engine we would kill them all. Although no
other result was obtained (as indeed there was none)
except the fright it caused, from which we thought the
enemy would surrender, it would have been sufficient;
the deception was a double one because neither the
carpenters fulfilled their design nor did the defenders
of the city (although they were much frightened) take
any step to surrender, while I disguised the failure of
the catapult by pretending that moved by compassion,
we forbore to kill them all.

The next day, after placing the catapult, we returned
to the city, and, as three or four days had passed without
any fighting, we found the streets by which we passed
full of women and children and other miserable people,
who came out so emaciated and thin, that it was the
greatest pity in the world to behold them, so I ordered
our friends not to hurt them. But, none of the warriors
appeared where any harm could reach them, though we
saw them on the tops of their roofs, covered with the
blankets they wear, and without weapons. I had them
required that day to make peace, but their replies were
inconclusive. As they occupied us most of the day with
this, I sent them word that I intended to attack them
and that they should withdraw all their people, otherwise
I would permit our friends to kill them. They said they

Third Letter 119

desired peace, and I answered them that I did not see
amongst them their lord with whom I must treat, but
when he came for that purpose I would give him a safe
conduct and we would discuss peace. Seeing it was all
mockery, and that they were prepared to fight with us,
I ordered Pedro de Alvarado, after having admonished
them many times and in order to reduce them to extreme
necessity, to enter with all his people through a large
quarter which the enemy held, and in which there were
more than one thousand houses; and I, with those of our
camp, came on foot from another side, because we could
not avail ourselves of the horsemen. The fight between
us and our enemies was very stubborn, but finally we
won that whole quarter, and, such was the slaughter
committed upon our enemies, that between killed and
wounded there were more than twelve thousand.

Our allies handled the enemy most cruelly, for they
would in no wise spare any life, although they were
reproved and punished by us.

We returned next day to the city, and I ordered that
no fighting should take place nor any harm be done to
the enemy, who, when they saw such a multitude of
people, and their own vassals and subjects, arrayed
against them, and saw their extreme necessity, which
left them not even a place to stand, save upon the bodies
of their own dead, moved by the desire to escape such a
great misfortune, asked us why we did not put an end
to them; then suddenly they said to call me as they wished
to speak to me. All the Spaniards wished that this war
might finally end, and, pitying such misery, they re-
joiced, believing that the Indians wanted peace; so they
came gladly to call and importune me to come to a barri-
cade where certain chiefs wished to speak to me. I knew
that little profit would come of my going, but I deter-
mined at all events to go, although I knew their not
surrendering all depended on the sovereign and some

120 Letters of Cortes

three or four other chiefs of the city, for the others, dead
or alive, all desired to be out of it. And when I arrived
at the barricade, they told me that, as they held me to
be the son of the sun, and as the sun in such brief period
as a day and a night, made the circuit of the entire world,
I ought likewise to finish killing them speedily and save
them from so much suffering, because they wished to
die and go to heaven to their Ochilobus, * who was
awaiting to give them rest; this being the idol which
they hold in the greatest reverence. I said many things
in reply to persuade them to surrender, and nothing
availed with them, although they perceived in us greater
wishes and offers for peace than had ever been shown
to any other vanquished, for with the help of Our Lord
we were the victors.

Having reduced the enemy to the last extremity, as
may be gathered from what has been said, and in order
Renewed to w^n them from their evil intention, which
Proposals was their determination to die, I spoke to one
of Peace. 0f their noble chiefs, the uncle of Don Fer-
nando, lord of Tesaico, who had been captured fight-
ing in the city, and whom we held prisoner. Although
badly wounded I asked him if he wished to return
to the city, and he answered me, "yes, " and, when
we entered it the next day, I sent him, with certain
Spaniards, who delivered him to the people of the
city; and, to their chief, I had spoken exclusively in
order that he might talk to the sovereign and the other
chiefs about peace, and he promised to do everything
that was possible. The people of the city received him
with much deference as a nobleman, and, when they
took him before Quatamucin, their sovereign, and he
began to speak of peace, it is said they immediately
ordered him to be killed and sacrificed, and the answer

1 Huitzilopotchli, also spelled Huitchilopochtli : the god of war whose
statue stood in the great teocalli.

Third Letter 121

we were awaiting they gave us with great yells, saying
that they wanted nothing but death. They began to
discharge arrows and stones at us, and fought us very
stoutly, so much so that they killed a horse with a dagger
which one of them had taken from one of our friends;
but finally they paid dearly for it, because many of them
perished, and thus we returned that day to our camp.
The next day, we again entered into the city, and our
adversaries were so reduced that an infinite number of
our friends ventured to remain there during the night;
having come in sight of the enemy we did not care to
fight with them, but only moved about in their city,
because every hour and every moment we believed that
they would come to surrender. In order to persuade
them, I rode near one of the barricades and called certain
chiefs, who were behind them, whom I already knew,
and said to them that since they saw that everything
was lost, and recognised that, if I wished, none of them
would escape why was it that Quatamucin their lord did
not come to speak with me; that I promised to do him
no harm, and if he and they wished for peace they would
be well received and well treated by me. I gave them
other reasons, with which I provoked them to many
tears; and, weeping, they replied that they well recognised
their error and perdition, and that they would go and
speak to their lord and return speedily with the answer,
asking me not to go away from there. So they went
away, returning within a short space to tell me that,
inasmuch as it was already late their lord had not come,
but that at noon on the following day he would certainly
come to speak with me in the market-place; so we re-
turned to our camp. I ordered that on the next day
that high square platform which stood in the middle
of the market-place should be prepared for the lords and
princes of the city, and that they should likewise prepare
a repast for them; and this was done accordingly.

122 Letters of Cortes

We went into the city early the next morning, and I
ordered the people to be prepared in case the inhabitants
intended to perpetrate any treachery, so that we might
not be surprised ; I also cautioned Pedro de Al varado
who was there. When we reached the market-place, I
sent word to Quatamucin, telling him that I was waiting
for him, but, it appeared he had determined not to come,
but sent five of his nobles or chief lords of the city whose
names, as it is not worth while, I do not give here. They
came and told me that their lord had sent them to pray
me to pardon him if he did not come, that he was greatly
afraid to appear before me, and also that he was ill and
that they had come hither to hear my commands, which
they would obey; although the sovereign did not appear
we rejoiced a great deal that these chiefs had come, as it
seemed to us that here was now a way to reach a speedy
end of the whole business. I received them with a show
of gladness, and immediately ordered meat and drink
to be given them, in partaking of which they showed their
craving and need for it. When they had eaten, I told
them to speak to their lord to persuade him not to be
afraid, for I promised him that no annoyance would
be offered him if he appeared before me, nor would he be
detained, but that, without his presence, no good under-
standing could be reached, nor agreement made. I
ordered some refreshments to be taken to him, and they
promised me to do all that was in their power; and thus
they departed. Two hours afterwards, they returned,
and brought me some fine mantles of cotton, such as they
use, and they told me that Quatamucin their lord would
by no means come, and that he refused to discuss it.
I again repeated to them that I did not know why he
mistrusted me, inasmuch as he saw that to them whom
I knew to be the principal promoters of the war, and who
had sustained it, I nevertheless extended good treatment,
allowing them to come and go in security without being

Third Letter 123

in any way annoyed, and I besought them to speak
again to him, and to urge his coming because it was for
his advantage. They answered me that they would do
so, and bring me the answer the next day ; and thus they
left and we also withdrew to our camp.

The next day, those chiefs came to our camp very early
in the morning and asked me to come to the square of
the market of the city, because their sovereign wished
to speak to me. Believing it was true, I mounted my
horse and awaited him where it had been agreed, for more
than three or four hours, but he never chose to appear
before me. As I saw the mockery, and it had already
become late, and that neither the other messengers nor
the lord came, I sent for the Indians, our friends, who
had been left at the entrance of the city almost a league
from where we were, whom I had ordered not to advance
beyond there because the people of the city had asked
me that, whilst treating for peace none of them should
be inside it. Neither they nor those of Pedro de Alva-
rado's camp delayed in coming, and, when they arrived,
we attacked some of the barricades and water streets
which they held, no other strong force being left them,
and we charged amongst them ourselves, as well as our
friends, according as we pleased. Before leaving the
camp, I had ordered that Gonzalo de Sandoval should
proceed with the brigantines to the place where the
Indians had fortified themselves in the houses, thus
holding them surrounded, but not attacking them until
he should observe that we began to fight ; in such manner
that, holding them thus surrounded, they had no place
to go except amongst the dead, and on the roofs which
were left them. For this cause, they neither had, nor
procured, arrows, nor darts, nor stones, with which to
hurt us. Our friends accompanied us, armed with
swords and shields, and such was the slaughter done that
day on water and on land, that with prisoners taken

124 Letters of Cortes

they numbered in all more than forty thousand men;
and such were the shrieks and the weeping of the women
and children that there was none whose heart did not
break; and we had more trouble in preventing our allies
from killing and inflicting tortures than we had in fight-
ing with the Indians, for no such inhuman cruelty as
the natives of these parts practice was ever seen amongst
any people. Our allies obtained very great plunder,
which we could not prevent, because we were about
nine hundred Spaniards, and they more than one hun-
dred and fifty thousand men, and no attention or dili-
gence was sufficient to prevent them from robbing,
although we did everything possible to stop it. One
of the reasons why I refused to go to extremes in those
previous days was that, by taking them by assault, they
would probably throw what they had into the lake, and
if they did not do so our allies would steal everything
they found; and, for this reason, I feared that but a
small part of the great wealth existing in the city, as
shown by what I had before obtained for Your Highness,
would be secured for Your Majesty. As it was already
late, and we could no longer endure the stench of the
dead which had lain for many days in those streets (the
most pestilential thing in the world), we returned to our
camps.

That afternoon, I arranged that, as on the next day
following we should again enter the city, three large
field pieces should be prepared which we would take to
the city, because, as I feared that the enemy were so
compact that they could not turn round, the Spaniards
in charging might be crushed by mere numbers, and
therefore I wanted to do them some damage with the
field pieces in order to force them out towards us. I
ordered the alguacil mayor likewise to be prepared to
enter, the next day, with the brigantines, through the
canals of a large lake extending amongst some houses

Third Letter 125

where the canoes of the city were all gathered ; and there
were already so few houses left where they might shelter
that the lord of the city, with certain of the chiefs, had
placed himself in a canoe, not knowing what to do with
themselves. Thus we planned our entrance on the
morning of the following day.

When day had dawned, I had our whole force prepared,
and the large field pieces brought out; and I had, the
day before, ordered Pedro de Alvarado to The Fall
await me in the square of the market-place, of

and not to begin fighting until I arrived. Mexico
All being assembled, and the brigantines ready for
action, behind the houses on the water, where the
enemy were gathered, I ordered that, on hearing a
musket-shot, the land force should enter the small part
which was still to be captured, and force the enemy
towards the water where the brigantines would be await-
ing them ; and I cautioned them particularly to look after
Quatamucin, and to endeavour to take him alive, because
then the war would stop. I mounted the top of a roof,
and, before the fight began, I spoke with some of the
chiefs of the city whom I knew, and asked them why their
lord did not come, seeing that they were in such straits,
and I said they ought not to be the cause of all perish-
ing; and told them to call him, saying that nobody need
be afraid; and it seemed that two of those chiefs went
to call him. After a short time, they returned with one
of the highest chiefs of all of them, who was called
Ciguacoacin, l captain and governor of them all, whose
counsel was followed in everything concerning the war.
I showed a very good disposition towards him, so that he
might be reassured and have no fears, and finally he
told me that the sovereign would in no way appear
before me, and that he rather preferred to die where he
was, and that he himself was much grieved at this

i Chihuacoatl.

126 Letters of Cortes

decision but that I could do as I pleased. Recognising
by this his determination, I told him to return to his own
people, and that he and they might prepare themselves,
as I was determined to attack them, and finish destroying
them; and so it happened. More than five hours had
passed in these parleyings, and the inhabitants of the
city were all treading on the dead, others in the water
were swimming, and others drowning themselves in the
large lake where the canoes were collected. Such was
the plight in which they were, that no understanding
could conceive how they could endure it; and an infinite
number of men, women, and children kept coming towards
us, who, in their haste, pushed one another back into the
water and were drowned amidst the multitude of dead.
It appears they had perished to the number of more than
fifty thousand, from the salt water which they drank,
or from starvation, and pestilence. All these bodies, (in
order that we should not understand their extremity),
were neither thrown into the water lest the brigantines
might come across them, nor were they thrown outside
their boundary, lest we should see them about the city;
and thus, in the streets they occupied, were found heaps
of dead, so that nobody could step without trampling
them. As the people of the city came towards us, I
ordered Spaniards to be stationed in all the streets, to
prevent our allies from killing those unhappy creatures,
who were beyond number; and I also ordered the cap-
tains of our allies not to allow in any way those fugitives
to be killed, but, as they were so many, it was not possible
to prevent it that day, so more than fifteen thousand
persons were massacred. Meanwhile, some of the chiefs
and warriors of the city were brought to bay on some
roofs and in the water, where they could no longer stop,
or hide from us all their disasters and their weakness
which had become very apparent; and, seeing that the
afternoon was coming on us, and that they would not

Third Letter 127

surrender, I had two large field pieces directed against
them to see whether they would surrender then, because
they would suffer greater damage by our giving per-
mission to our friends to attack them, than by those two
field pieces, which caused some destruction. As this
also brought no result, I ordered the signal of the musket
to be fired, whereupon the corner they still held was im-
mediately taken, and those who were in it were forced
into the water, and others who had not fought surren-
dered. The brigan tines swiftly entered that lake, and
broke into the midst of the fleet of canoes, and the
warriors no longer ventured to fight.

It pleased God that the captain of a brigantine, called
Garci Holguin, overtook a canoe in which there were
some distinguished people, and, as he had two August
or three cross-bowmen in the prow of the J3, 1521
brigantine, and was crossing in the front of the
canoe, they signalled to him not to shoot because
their sovereign was there. The canoe was quickly
captured, and they took Quatamucin, * and the lord
of Tacuba, and the other chiefs who were with him;

1 Quauhtemotzin, seeing that escape was hopeless, stood up in the
canoe saying: "I am the King of Mexico and of this country; take
me to Malintzin. I ask only that my wife and children and the women
be spared." Some twenty persons were with him, all of whom
Holguin brought back to the city. There is little to add to what Cortes
here says about what passed on that historic occasion, except that he
gave orders that the Princess Tecuichpo, youngest daughter of Monte-
zuma, recently married to her cousin Quauhtemotzin should receive
every consideration. Humboldt, commenting on Quauhtemotzin's
choice of instant death, commends the unfortunate young sovereign's
conduct in the following terms: "Ce trait est digne du plus beau temps
de la Grece et de Rome. Sous toutes les zones, quelle que soit la couleur
des hommes, le langage des ames fortes est le m§me lorsqu'elles luttent
contre le malheur" (Essai Politique, p. 192, 4to ed.). The captive
monarch was not deceived by the suave manners and honied words
of his captor, and his forebodings were realised, when, a few days later,
upon his protesting that there was no treasure left in the city, Cortes
consented to his torture to force him to speak. Bernal Diaz seeks to
excuse Cortes' s part in this unworthy proceeding. It may be said in

128 Letters of Cortes

and the said captain, Garci Holguin, 1 immediately
brought the said sovereign of the city and the other
chief prisoners to the terrace where I was, which was
near the lake. When I invited them to sit down, not
wishing to show any rigour, he approached me and
said to me in his language that he had done all that on

extenuation that he yielded to the angry clamours of disappointed
soldiers, and the insinuation that he had arranged with Quauhtemotzin
to conceal the treasure so as later to appropriate it for himself. The
custodian of the royal fifth, Aldarete, seems to have insisted on the
torture. The king bore the pain unflinchingly and rebuked his fellow
sufferer who groaned aloud, saying: "Do you think I am taking my
pleasure in my bath?" His feet were almost burned off, and he re-
mained a cripple until his death. The anniversary of his capture and
the fall of the city were celebrated as a public holiday all during the
period of Spanish rule in Mexico, but the Republic has abolished this
observance. The eleventh and last of the Aztec sovereigns was the
son of Ahuitzotl; he succeeded Cuitlahuatzin and married his widow
Tecuichpo. He was a young man of great personal bravery and
energy, in all things the opposite of his superstitious uncle Montezuma.
He worked indefatigably to win allies, organise an effective defence,
and save the tottering kingdom and city ; he galvanised the timid into
something like courage, confirmed the waverers, and encouraged the
patriots; large stores of arms and provisions were laid in, the useless,
aged men, and women and children, were sent off to safe places in
the mountains, while the city was filled with warriors. The kings of
Texcoco and Tlacopan joined in these plans, co-operating with their
fellow sovereign. Had like zeal and harmony existed a year earlier
Cortes and his men would never have reached the capital, save as
victims to be offered to Huitzilopochtli. Quauhtemotzin arrived too
late. Nothing could ward off the oncoming disaster. The powerful
states of Tlascala, Cholula, and others, had openly gone over to the
Spaniards, blind to the inevitable destruction they were preparing
for themselves ; the allies of Mexico were doubtful and faint-hearted, —
some of them merely neutrals, awaiting the issue to declare for the
victor. Never did prince die for duty's sake, choosing death with
open eyes and making a last stand for a forlorn cause, more nobly than
did the heroic Quauhtemotzin. His captivity and death are noted in
the Fifth Letter.

1 While the brigantine with the royal captain and his fellow
prisoners was returning across the lake, Sandoval came on board and
demanded that Quauhtemotzin be delivered to him, as he was com-
mander of that division of the fleet, but Holguin claimed the honour

Third Letter 129

his part he was bound to do to defend himself and his
people, until he was reduced to that state, and that I
might now do with him as I chose ; and placing his hand
on a dagger which I wore he bade me stab him with it
and kill him. I encouraged him, and told him not to
be afraid; and this lord having been made prisoner, the
war immediately ceased, which God Our Lord was pleased
to bring to its end on this day, the Feast of San Hipolito,
which was the 13th of August in the year 152 1. So that
from the day when we laid the siege to the city, which
was the 30th of May of the said year, until it was taken,
seventy-five days passed, in which Your Majesty may
perceive the hardships, dangers, and cruelties, which
these, your vassals, suffered, and in which they so ex-
posed themselves that their deeds will bear testimony
of them. In all these seventy-five days of the siege,
none passed without more or less fighting.

On the day of the imprisonment of Quatamucin, and
of the capture of the city, we returned to camp, having
gathered the spoils found that day, and given thanks
to Our Lord for the signal mercy and the much wished
for victory He had granted us.1 I remained in the

of the capture, and refused to yield to his superior. The dispute which
ensued, delayed matters, but Cortes who was informed of the dissension,
sent Luis Marin and Francisco Lugo with peremptory orders to cease
wrangling, and bring the prisoners to him.

Bernal Diaz relates that, afterwards, the commander called the
two claimants, and cited to them, by way of example, the incident
from Roman history of the capture of Jugurtha and the dispute between
Marius and Sylla as to the honour of that feat, which was productive
of civil wars which devastated the state. He calmed them with the
assurance that the circumstance should be fully laid before the Em-
peror, who would decide which of the two should have the action
emblazoned in his arms. Two years later, the imperial decision was
given, and ignored both the contestants, granting instead to Cortes
himself the device of seven captive kings, linked with a chain and
representing Montezuma, Quauhtemotzin, and the rulers of Texcoco,
Tlapocan, Iztapalapan, Coyohuacan, and Matolzingo.

» See Appendix at close of this Letter.
vol. 11. — 9

130 Letters of Cortes

camp for three or four days, and afterwards we came to
the city of Cuyoacan where I have remained until now,
providing for the good order and government and pacifi-
cation of these parts. Having collected the gold and
other things, we had them melted, with the approbation
of Your Majesty's officials, and what was melted amounted
to one hundred and thirty thousand castellanos, of which
one fifth was given to the treasury of Your Majesty, be-
sides one fifth of other duties belonging to Your Majesty,
such as slaves and other things, as will be more exten-
sively seen from the account of all belonging to Your
Majesty, which will go signed with our names. The
remaining gold was distributed amongst myself and the
Spaniards, according to the conduct, service, and quality
of each. Besides the said gold, there were certain made
pieces, and jewels of gold, of which the best was given
to the treasurer of Your Majesty.

Amongst the plunder which was obtained from the
said city, many bucklers of gold were found; plumes,
and feather work, and things so marvellous that they
cannot be described in writing, nor can they be com-
prehended without being seen. And being such as
they are, it seemed to me they should not be divided
but should all be placed at the disposition of Your
Majesty, for which purpose I assembled all the Spaniards,
and besought them to approve of all these things being
sent to Your Majesty, and that the shares belonging
to them and me should be placed at Your Majesty's
disposition, which they rejoiced in doing with much
good will. They and I send them for Your Majesty's
acceptance by the procurators whom the council of
this New Spain has deputed.

As the city of Temixtitan was so important, and so
renowned throughout these parts, it seems it came to
the knowledge of the lord of a very great province,
seventy leagues distant from Temixtitan, called Mechua-

Third Letter 131

can,1 how we had destroyed and desolated it, and, con-
sidering the strength and grandeur of the said city,
it seemed to the lord of that province that, inasmuch
as it could not defend itself, there was nothing which
could resist us. So, from fear or whatever cause he
chose, he sent certain messengers, who, through the
interpreters of his language, told me on his part, that
their lord had learned that we were vassals of a great
ruler, and that, with my approval, he and his people
desired to become vassals and have friendship with us.
I answered that it was true that we were all of us the
vassals of that great ruler, who was Your Majesty, and
that we would make war upon those who refused likewise
to be so, and that their lord and they had done very
well. As I had received news some short time since
of the South Sea, I also inquired of them whether
it could be reached through their country; and as they
answered me affirmatively, I prayed them to take with
them two Spaniards, whom I would give them, so that
I might inform Your Majesty about that sea and their
province. They replied that they were glad to do so with
much good will, but that, to reach the sea, they would
have to pass through the country of a great lord, with
whom they were at war, and for this reason they could
not now reach the sea. The messengers from Mechuacan
remained here with me three or four days, and I made
the horsemen skirmish for them, in order that they might
describe it, and, having given them certain jewels, they
and the two Spaniards set out for the said province of
Mechuacan.

As I said in the foregoing chapter, Most Powerful Lord,

1 Michoacan was an independent kingdom, peopled by a different
race from the Mexicans, and speaking a different language, though it
shared to some degree the manners, customs, and civilisation of
Anahuac: the chief city was Pazuaro on the lake of the same name.
There was an almost permanent state of hostilities between the
Tarasque (tribal name of the natives of Michoacan) and Aztec nations.

132 Letters of Cortes

I had obtained a short time ago information of another
sea to the south, and had learned that, in two or
Expeditions tnree different directions, it was twelve or four-
to the teen days' journey from here. I was very much

Pacific concerned because it seemed to me that in dis-
covering it a great and signal service would be
rendered to Your Majesty, especially as all who have
any knowledge or experience of the navigation in the
Indies have held it to be certain that, with the discovery
of the South Sea in these parts, many islands rich in gold,
pearls, precious stones, spices, and other unknown and
admirable things would be discovered : and this has been
and is affirmed by persons of learning and experience in
the science of cosmography. With this desire, and wish-
ing to render Your Majesty this most singular and ad-
mirable service, I dispatched four Spaniards, two through
certain provinces, and the other two through certain
others; and, having first informed myself of the routes
they were to take, and giving them guides from amongst
our friends, they departed. I ordered them not to stop
until they had reached the sea, and, upon discovering
it, to take actual and corporeal possession of it in the
name of Your Majesty.

The first travelled about one hundred and thirty
leagues through many beautiful and fair provinces without
encountering any hindrance, and arrived at the sea, and
took possession of it, in sign of which they placed crosses
on the coast of it. Some days afterwards, they returned
with an account of the said discovery, and informed me
very minutely of everything, bringing me some of the
natives of the said sea [coast] and also very good samples
from the gold mines, which they found in some of those
provinces through which they passed; I send these, with
the other samples of gold, to Your Majesty. The other
two Spaniards were somewhat longer, because they
travelled about one hundred and fifty leagues through

Third Letter 133

other parts until they reached the sea, of which they
likewise took possession. They brought me a full de-
scription of the coast, and, with them, came some natives
of it. I received them and the others graciously, and
they, having been informed of Your Majesty's great
power, and given some presents, returned very contented
to their country.

In the other account, Most Catholic Lord, I told Your
Majesty, how, when these Indians routed and expelled
me from the city of Temixtitan the first time, all the
provinces subject to the city rebelled against the service
of Your Majesty, and made war upon us; and, by this
account, Your Majesty may seehow we reduced to Your
Royal service almost all the provinces which had rebelled.
Certain provinces on the coast of the North Sea at ten,
fifteen, and thirty leagues' distance from the said city of
Temixtitan, had revolted and rebelled, and their natives
had treacherously killed certainly more than one hundred
Spaniards who had thought themselves safe. I could
not possibly proceed against them before the conclusion
of the war, so, after I had dispatched those Spaniards
who had first discovered the South Sea, I determined to
send Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, with thirty-
five horsemen, two hundred Spaniards, some of our
allies, and some of the chiefs and natives of Temixtitan,
to this province, which we called Tatactetelco and
Tuxtepeque and Guatuxco and Aulicaba; and, having
been instructed how to conduct this expedition, he
began his preparations for it.

At this season, the lieutenant, whom I had left in the
town of La Segura de la Frontera, in the province of
Tepeaca, came to this city of Cuyoacan, and informed
me how some of the natives of that province and other
neighbouring ones, vassals of Your Majesty, were trou-
bled by the natives of the provinces of Guaxacaque
[Oaxaca] who made war on them because they were our

134 Letters of Cortes

friends, and, besides it being necessary to correct this
evil, it was well to secure that province of Guaxacaque,
because it was on the road to the South Sea, and to
pacify it would be very advantageous as well for the
aforesaid as for other reasons, which I will hereafter state
to Your Majesty. The said lieutenant told me that he had
privately received information respecting that province,
and that we could subjugate it with a small force, because,
while I was in the camp against Temixtitan, he had gone
there, as those of Tepeaca had urged him to make war
upon the natives of it, but, not having taken more than
twenty or thirty Spaniards they had forced him to return,
less leisurely than he would have wished. Having heard
his relation I gave him twelve horsemen and eight Span-
iards, and the said alguacil mayor and the lieutenant
left this city of Guaxacaque on the 15th October, 152 1.

When they reached the province of Tepeaca, they
there made their review, and each departed on his con-
quest. The alguacil mayor wrote to me five days later
that he had arrived at the province of Guatuxco, and
that, although he had much apprehension that he would
find himself in straits with the enemy as they were very
skilful in war and had many forces in the country, it had
pleased Our Lord that he should be received peaceably;
and that, although he had not reached the other provinces
he felt sure that all the natives of them would offer
themselves as vassals of Your Majesty. Fifteen days
later, other letters of his arrived in which he reported
to me that he had advanced, and that the whole of the
country was already at peace, and that it seemed to him
it would be well to settle in the most accessible parts and
thus make sure of it, as we had already discussed many
times before, and for me to decide what should be done
in the matter. I wrote, thanking him very much for
what he had done on his expedition in the service of Your
Majesty, telling him that all he reported about settling

Third Letter 135

was approved by me, and I sent him word to establish a
town of Spaniards in the province of Tuxtepeque, and
to call it Medellin, l I sent the appointment of alcaldes
and municipal officials, all of whom I charged to look
after Your Majesty's service and the good treatment of
the natives. The Lieutenant of Segura de la Frontera
departed with his people for the province of Guaxaca
with many friendly warriors from that neighbourhood,
and, although the natives of that province set themselves
to resist, and fought two or three times very stoutly
against him, they finally surrendered peacefully without
sustaining any damage ; he wrote very minutely respecting
all this, informing me that the country was very good,
and rich in mines, and he sent me a very remarkable
sample of gold from it, which I also forward to Your
Majesty; and he remained in the said province awaiting
my commands.

Having taken measures for the accomplishment of
these two conquests, and having heard of the good
success of them, and seeing how I had Rebuilding
already peopled three towns with Spaniards of

and that a number of them still remained with Mexico
me in this city, I debated where to establish another
town within the circuit of the lakes ; for it was
needed for the greater security and peace of all these
parts. Considering also that the city of Temixtitan,
which was a thing so renowned and had made itself so
important and memorable, it seemed to us that it was
well to rebuild it, for it was all destroyed. I distributed
the lots to those who offered themselves as householders,
and I appointed the alcaldes and municipal officers in
the name of Your Majesty, as is customary in your king-
doms; and, while the houses were being built, we agreed
to continue living in this city of Cuyoacan, where we
are at present. In the four or five months since the

* Named after Cortes's birthplace in Estremadura.

136 Letters of Cortes

rebuilding of the said city of Temixtitan was begun it is
already very beautiful, and Your Majesty may believe
that each day it will become nobler, so that as it was
before the head and mistress of all these provinces, so
it will be henceforward; it is being and will be so built
that the Spaniards will be perfectly strong and safe, and
supreme lords of the natives, secure from any fear of
being assailed by them.

In the meantime, the chief of the province of Tecoan-
tepeque, which is near the South Sea where the two
Spaniards discovered it, sent me certain notables by
whom he offered himself as vassal of Your Majesty, and
made me a present of certain jewels, pieces of gold, and
feather work, all of which was delivered to the treasurer
of Your Majesty; I thanked the messengers for what
they told me on behalf of their chief, and I gave them
certain presents which they took and returned very
happy.

At this season, those two Spaniards returned from
the province of Mechuacan, whence the messengers had
come from that chief, and told me that the South Sea
could be reached by that way, except that it had to be
done through the country of a chief who was his enemy.
A brother of the chief of Mechuacan came with the two
Spaniards, and other chiefs and servants with him, ex-
ceeding two thousand persons, whom I received, showing
great love towards them; and they gave me on the part
of the chief of the said province, who is called Calcucin,
a present for Your Majesty of shields of gold, weighing
[word missing] marks, and many other things which were
delivered to Your Majesty's treasurer. To show them
our customs, and let them report to their chief, I had all
the horsemen ride to the square, where they manoeuvred
and skirmished, the foot soldiers marching in file, and
the musketeers firing their muskets and firing with the
artillery against the tower. The chiefs were all dread-

Third Letter 137

fully frightened to see the effect it made, and to see
the horses manoeuvring; then I had them taken to see
the destruction and desolation of the city of Temixtitan,
and they were astonished on beholding it and its strength
and its fortress, situated as it was in the water. After
four or five days, I gave them for their chief many such
things as they esteemed, and others for themselves, so
they departed very happy and satisfied.

I have heretofore made relation to Your Majesty about
the river of Panuco, which is fifty or sixty leagues down
the coast from the city of Vera Cruz, where the ships
of Francisco de Garay had gone two or three times and
received a good deal of hurt from the natives of the said
river on account of the little tact which the captains who
had been sent there had shown in the traffic they at-
tempted to establish with the Indians. Afterwards,
when I perceived that on the whole coast of the South
Sea there was a lack of harbours, and that none was
equal to the harbour of that river, and also because those
natives, after coming to me to offer themselves as vassals
of Your Majesty, are making war against the vassals of
Your Majesty, our friends, I felt it very necessary to send
a captain there with a force to pacify all that province,
and, if the country was a likely one for settlement, to
establish a town on that river, so that the entire neigh-
bourhood might be assured. Although we were few and
scattered in three or four places, from which reason there
was some opposition to taking more people from here,
nevertheless, both in order to help our friends, and
because, after the taking of the city of Temixtitan,
ships had arrived bringing some people and horses,
I prepared twenty-five horsemen and one hundred
and fifty foot soldiers to go with their captain to the
said river.

While engaged in dispatching this captain, they wrote
to me from Vera Cruz that a ship had arrived in its port,

138 Letters of Cortes

in which there came Cristobal de Tapia, ' inspector
of the foundries in the island of Hispaniola. I re-
Arrival of ceived a letter from him the next day after-
Cristobal wards, in which he made known to me that
de Tapia fog coming to this country was for the
purpose of taking charge of its government by order
of Your Majesty; for this purpose he said he had
brought the royal provisions, but would in no wise
present them until we met, which he desired should
happen immediately. As his animals had been
fatigued at sea, he had not begun his journey and he
prayed me to give orders how we might see each other,
either by his coming hither or my going to the sea-coast.
Immediately I received his letter, I answered it, saying
that I rejoiced at his arrival, and that nobody could have
come provided with Your Majesty's orders for holding
the government of these parts whom I would receive with
more satisfaction, not only on account of our mutual
acquaintance, but also as fellow neighbours and early
settlers in the island of Hispaniola,

Since the pacification of these parts was not so com-
plete as it should be, and any novelty would disquiet
the natives, I besought Fray Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea,
commissary of the Cruzada,2 (who accompanied us in all

1 When the news of Narvaez's summary treatment of the com-
missioner from the audiencia of Hispaniola, Ayllon, reached Spain,
proceedings were begun against him, but the Bishop of Burgos, always
active in Velasquez's interests, secured their suspension until fuller
information might be had, and also the release of Narvaez from the
prison in Vera Cruz, where Cortes had confined him. Cristobal de
Tapia, an inspector of the royal smelting operations in Hispaniola
was therefore despatched to Vera Cruz, with full powers to deal with
the matter; he was hardly the man for the mission, and was as little
able to cope with Cortes as Narvaez had been.

2 He was a Franciscan friar, empowered to administer the
Bulas de la Cruzada. The indulgences provided by such bulls were
granted on the usual conditions required for obtaining an indulgence,
and were applicable to the living and the dead. This usage originated,
as the title indicates, with the Crusades, and after it had fallen into

Third Letter 139

our hardships and well knew the state of things here,
making himself so useful in Your Majesty's service that
we had availed ourselves of his devotion and advice), to
go and see the said Tapia, and to examine the warrants
of Your Majesty; and, since he knew better than anyone
else what was profitable to your royal service in these
parts, to come to some agreement with the said Tapia
as to what was most advantageous, for I conceived that
he would not exceed them in any way. I besought him
thus in the presence of Your Majesty's treasurer, who
also charged him in the same sense. He departed for
the city of Vera Cruz where the said Tapia was staying;
and to insure that, in the city or wherever the Inspector
might come, he would be well served and accommodated,
I sent two or three notable persons with the said Father.
After they left, I awaited his answer.

Meanwhile I was preparing for my departure, giving or-
ders about some things necessary to Your Majesty's service,
and for the pacification and quieting of these parts. Some
ten or twelve days afterwards the justice and Municipal
Council of Vera Cruz wrote to me that the said Tapia
had presented the provisions he brought from Your
Majesty and your governors in your royal name, and that
they had been received with all due reverence, but as
for executing them, they had answered that as most
of the Municipal Council were here with me, aiding in the
siege of the city, they would report to them, and all
would do and comply with what was most profitable
to Your Majesty's service and the good of the country.
The said Tapia was somewhat displeased by this reply,
and had even attempted something scandalous. As this
grieved me somewhat, I replied, praying and charging

disuse elsewhere, was continued in Spain owing to the long centuries
of warfare against the Moors and the later conflicts with the Barbary
pirates. It became therefore a peculiarly Spanish institution, and
was extended to all countries under Spanish rule.

140 Letters of Cortes

them very much to look chiefly to Your Majesty's service,
endeavouring to satisfy the said Tapia and not to give
occasion for any tumult as I was about starting to see
him, ready to comply with what Your Majesty had
ordered and was most suitable to your service. Being
on the very eve of starting on my journey, and the captain
and people, whom I intended to send to the river Panuco,
having been detained here, where it was necessary, while
I was away for this city to remain well guarded, the
Procurators of this New Spain requested me with many
protestations not to leave, because, as this entire province
of Mexico and Temixtitan had only recently been pacified,
it would be disturbed by my absence, and much injury
would be done to the service of Your Majesty and to the
tranquillity of the country; they gave many other causes
and reasons for their said requirement that I should not
leave this city at that present time, and they told me
they would go themselves to the city of Vera Cruz where
the said Tapia was staying, with power of attorney from
the councillors, and would see the warrants of Your
Majesty and do all that was suitable to Your Royal service.
As this seemed to us expedient, the said procurators left,
and I wrote to the said Tapia letting him know what was
happening, and that I was sending my power of attorney
to Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, and to Diego
de Soto and Diego Valdenebro, who were there in the
town of Vera Cruz, in order that in my name, they to-
gether with the municipal councillors and procurators of
their municipal councils, might take measures to do what
was suitable to Your Majesty's service and for the good
of the country; for they have been and are persons who
would do so. They met Tapia, who was already on the
road, accompanied by Fray Pedro, and required him
to return to the city of Cempoal, and there Tapia pre-
sented Your Majesty's provisions which were received
by all, with the submission due to Your Majesty. As

Third Letter 141

for executing them, they appealed that to the presence
of Your Majesty, because such was advantageous to your
royal service for the causes and reasons apparent in their
same petition, and as will appear more fully from what
passed; all of which the procurators who came from this
New Spain carried, signed by a public notary. After
exchanging other decrees and requirements between the
said inspector and the procurators, he embarked in his
ship as he was required to do, because, after publishing
that he had come to be governor and captain of these
parts his presence had caused some disquietude, and the
people of Mexico and Temixtitan had plotted that the
natives here should rebel and work a great treason, which,
if it had been carried out would have been worse than
the past. The plan was, that certain Indians who were
in Mexico, agreeing with the natives of this province
which the alguacil mayor had gone to pacify, should come
to me in all haste, telling me that twenty ships had
arrived on the coast with a great many people, and that,
as they had not come on land, they could not be good
people, and that I should come there and see what was
the matter, they having prepared themselves, and go-
ing with me as warriors; and, to make me believe this,
they brought me a drawing of the ships on paper. As
they brought me this news secretly, I immediately
divined that their intention was mischievous, and its
purpose was to get me out of this province, for the chiefs
of it had known all these past days that I had been pre-
pared to march, but seeing that I remained quiet they
devised this plan. I dissembled with them, and after-
wards captured some who had invented the plot.

The coming of the said Tapia and his want of experience
of the country and its people caused a great deal of con-
fusion, and his remaining here would have done much
harm, had not God remedied it, and he would have done
better service to Your Majesty, if when he was in the

142 Letters of Cortes

island of Hispaniola he had refrained from coming, with-
out first consulting Your Majesty, and making known the
condition of things in these parts. For he had learned
from the ships I had sent to the said island for help, and
knew clearly that the scandal it was hoped to create
by the coming of the armada of Panfilo de Narvaez had
been remedied, principally by what the governors and
royal council of Your Majesty had provided; and more
still, for the said Tapia had been required many times
by the Admiral and the judges and officials of Your
Majesty who reside in the said island of Hispaniola not
to interfere in these parts without Your Majesty first
being informed of everything that had happened, and
hence they forbade his coming under certain penalties;
but by scheming and looking more to his private interest
than to Your Majesty's service he obtained the revoca-
tion of the prohibition. I relate all this to Your Majesty,
because, when the said Tapia left, the procurators and
myself did not send a report, for he would not have been
a good carrier of our letters, and also that Your Majesty
may see and believe that, in not having received the
said Tapia, Your Majesty had been well served, as will be
more fully proven as often as may be necessary.

In a chapter before this, I made known to Your Majesty
that the captain, whom I had sent to conquer the province
of Guaxaca, was waiting there for my commands, and,
as he was needed, and was judge and lieutenant in the
town of Segura de la Frontera, I wrote to him to give
the eighty men and ten horsemen whom he had to Pedro
de Alvarado. The latter I had sent to subjugate the
province of Tututepeque, forty leagues beyond Guaxaca
near the South Sea, where they did much damage to,
and made war against, those who had given themselves
as Your Majesty's vassals, and to those of the province
of Tututepeque, because they had allowed us to come
through their country to discover the South Sea. Pedro

Third Letter 143

de Alvarado left this said city the last of January of this
present year, and, with the people he took from here, and
with those he got in the province of Guaxaca, he united
forty horsemen, two hundred foot soldiers, aided' by
forty archers and musketeers, and two small field pieces.
Twenty days later, I received letters from the said Pedro
de Alvarado, saying that he was on the road towards
the province of Tututepeque, and he told me that he had
captured certain native spies, and obtained information
from them; for they had told him that the lord of Tutu-
tepeque and his people were expecting him on the field
and he was determined to do in that journey all he possibly
could to pacify that province, and besides the Spaniards
had collected many and good warriors.

While waiting to hear the end of all this business, I
received letters on the 4th of the month of March of the
same year from the said Pedro de Alvarado in which he
reported to me that he had entered that province, and
that three or four towns of it had set themselves to resist
him, but had not persevered in it, and that he had en-
tered the town and city of Tututepeque, and had been
well received as far as appearances went; and that the
chief had asked him to lodge there in some of his great
houses, which were thatched with straw, but that, inas-
much as the place was not very suitable for the horsemen,
he had not accepted, but had come down to a part of the
city which was more level; that he had also done this
because he had learned that the chief had planned to kill
him and all of them, by setting fire at midnight to the
houses where the Spaniards were lodged.

When God had disclosed this baseness, he had feigned
ignorance and, as if accidentally, had carried the chief
and his son with him and had decided to keep them in his
power as prisoners; they had given him twenty-five
thousand castellanos and from what the vassals of that
chief had told him, he believed there were great treas-

144 Letters of Cortes

ures. The whole of the province was as pacified as
possible, and they carried on their markets and com-
merce as before. The country was very rich in gold
mines, for in his presence they had taken out a sample
which was sent to me. Three days before, he had been to
the sea, and taken possession of it for Your Majesty, where,
in his presence, they had taken out a sample of pearls
which he likewise sent to me, and which I sent to Your
Majesty, together with the sample from the gold mines.

As God, Our Lord, had well guided this business, and
fulfilled my desire to serve Your Majesty on this South
Sea, being as it is of such importance, I have provided
with so much diligence that, in one of the three places
where I discovered the sea, two medium-sized caravels
and two brigantines are being built : the caravels for the
purpose of discovering, and the brigantines to follow
the coast. For this purpose, I sent, under a reliable per-
son, forty Spaniards, amongst whom go ship-masters,
ship-carpenters, wood-sawyers, blacksmiths, and seamen ;
and I have sent to the city for nails, sails, and other
things necessary for the said ships, and all possible haste
will be used to finish and launch them. Your Majesty
may believe that it will be a great thing to accomplish
this, and the greatest service since the Indies have been
discovered will be thus rendered to Your Majesty.

While I was in the city of Tesaico, before we laid siege
to Temixtitan, preparing and furnishing ourselves with
Conspiracy *he necessities for the said siege, and entirely
of unaware of what certain persons were plot-

Villafana ting, one of the conspirators warned me that
certain friends of Diego Velasquez, who were in my
company, had treasonably plotted to kill me, and
that amongst them they had elected a captain, an
alcalde, and alguacil mayor, and other officials. My
informer begged that I should thwart this by all
means, for, besides the scandal which would follow, re-

Third Letter 145

specting my person, it was clear that not a Spaniard
would escape, for, seeing us turned against one another
not only would we find the enemy against us, but even
those whom we regarded as friends would join in and
finish with all of us. I thanked Our Lord, because in
the discovery of this treachery lay the remedy. We
immediately seized the principal offender, who spon-
taneously confessed that he had designed and planned,
with many persons whom he betrayed in his confession,
to assault and kill us, and to take the Government of
the country for Diego Velasquez, and that it was true he
had designed to appoint captains and alcaldes, and tlret
he himself was to be the alguacil mayor, and that he was
to seize and kill me. Many persons were involved in
this, whom he had placed on a list which was found in
his lodgings (although torn in pieces), together with the
names of persons with whom he had spoken of the said
affair; he had not only contemplated this in Tesaico,
but he had also communicated it, and spoken of it during
the war against the province of Tepeaca. After hearing
the confession of this man, who was called Antonio de
Villafana, a native of Zamora, and as he reiterated it,
the judge and myself condemned him to death, which was
executed on his person. 1 Although we found others in-
culpated in this offence, I dissembled with them, treating
them as friends, because the case being mine, although
more properly it might be said to be that of Your Ma-

1 This man was a private soldier who had come to Mexico in
Narvaez's company; not Cortes alone but also Sandoval, Alvarado,
and Olid were to be killed, and the commandership given to Francisco
Verdugo, brother-in-law to Diego Velasquez, who was said, however,
to be ignorant of the conspiracy. The plan was for several of the
conspirators to stab the four leaders while they were seated at table.
Cortes displayed a wise self-restraint in going no further in the affair
than the execution of Villafana, though he had the list of other names,
the finding of some of which surprised and pained him greatly. He
spread the report that Villafana had swallowed the paper containing
the list of the guilty ones.
vol. n. — IO

146 Letters of Cortes

jesty, I was not willing to proceed rigorously against them;
this dissimulation has not produced much advantage,
because since then some partisans of Diego Velasquez
have started many intrigues, and have secretly created
many seditions and scandals, in which it has been necessary
for me to be more on my guard against them than against
our enemies. But God, Our Lord, has always conducted
everything in such a manner, that, without executing any
punishment on them, there has been, and exists, peace
and tranquillity ; and if from henceforth I should discover
anything else it shall be punished as justice dictates.

After the city of Temixtitan was captured, and while
we were in Cuyoacan, Don Fernando, the lord of Tesaico
died, which much grieved us all because he was a good
vassal of Your Majesty and a great friend of the Christians ;
and with the approval of the chiefs and the notables of that
city and of his province the lordship was given in the name
of Your Majesty to a younger brother, who was baptised
and took the name of Don Carlos, ! and as far as we know he
has followed until now in the footsteps of his brother,
and seems much pleased with our habits and conversation.

1 made known to Your Majesty in the other account
how there was a very high and conical mountain near the
provinces of Tascaltecal and Guaxocingo, from which
much smoke almost constantly issued, ascending straight
like an arrow.2 As the Indians gave us to understand
that it was a very fearful thing to ascend it, and that

» This is an error; after Don Fernando's death, the young prince
Ahuaxpitzcatzin, an illegitimate son of Nezahualpilli, who had re-
ceived the name of Carlos upon his baptism as a Christian, was chosen
King, but Cortes had refused to recognise the election, and had pre-
vailed on the electors to annul it in favour of his ally, the ambitious
Ixtlilxochitl, whose Christian name was also Don Fernando. The
confusion of the two Fernandos, Kings of Texcoco has already been
noticed.

2 The volcano of Orizaba which was mentioned in the First
Letter. The Indian name was Citlatepetl, meaning Star Mountain.
Humboldt gives the height as 17,368 feet; the crater is now extinct.

Third Letter 147

those who went there perished, I made certain Spaniards
undertake it, and examine the summit of the mountain.
When they ascended, the smoke came out with such noise
that they neither could nor dared to reach its mouth;
and afterwards I made some other Spaniards go, who
ascended twice, reaching the mouth of the mountain
where the smoke comes out, and from one side of
the mouth to the other it was two crossbow-shots,
for the circumference of it is almost three-quarters of a
league, and the depth is so great that they could not see
the bottom of it, and they found near the circumference
some sulphur, deposited there by the smoke. They heard
such a great noise made by the smoke that they made all
haste to come down, and before they had descended to
the middle of the mountain an infinite number of stones
came rolling down, greatly endangering their position;
and the Indians held it a very great thing to have dared
to go where the Spaniards had gone.

In one of my letters, I told Your Majesty that the
natives of these parts were much more capable than
those of the other islands, appearing to be as intelli-
gent and as reasonable as is ordinarily considered
sufficient ; wherefor it appeared wrong to oblige them
to serve the Spaniards as those of the other islands
do, though without some assistance, the conquerors and
settlers of these parts would on the other hand be unable
to maintain themselves. In order not to force the In-
dians to help the Spaniards, it seemed to me that Your
Majesty might order that as compensation the latter
should receive assistance from the incomes which here be-
long to Your Majesty for their provisions and sustenance ;
respecting this Your Majesty may provide what seems
profitable to your service, according to the more extensive
relation which I have made to Your Majesty. Seeing
the many and continual outlays of Your Majesty, and
that we ought rather to augment your rents by all possible

148 Letters of Cortes

means than to be an occasion of further expenses, and
considering also the long time we have spent in the wars,
and the necessities and debts caused thereby, and the
delay attendant upon Your Majesty's decision in this
case, and above all the many importunities of Your
Majesty's officials and of all the Spaniards from which
it was impossible to excuse myself, I found myself
almost forced to place the chiefs and natives of these
parts amongst the Spaniards, to recompense them for
the services they have rendered to Your Majesty.
Until something else is ordered or this confirmed, the
said chiefs and natives serve and give each Spaniard
to whom they are allotted the needful for his sub-
sistence. This step was taken with the approbation of
intelligent persons, who have had, and have, great ex-
perience of the country, for there was nothing else possible
not only for the maintenance of the Spaniards but also for
the preservation and good treatment of the Indian, as is
shown in the more extensive relation which the pro-
curators who now go from this New Spain will make to
Your Majesty. The plantations and farms of Your
Majesty have been established in the best and most
convenient provinces and cities.

Most Catholic Lord, may God Our Lord preserve and
augment the life and very royal person and powerful
state of Your Caesarean Majesty with increase of much
greater Kingdoms and Lordships, as your royal heart
may desire. From the City of Cuyoacan of this New Spain
of the Ocean Sea on the 15th of May, 1522. Most Power-
ful Lord, Your Caesarean Majesty's very humble servant
and vassal who kisses the royal hands and feet of Your
Majesty.

Fernando Cortes.

APPENDIX

149

APPENDIX

THE FALL OF MEXICO

In the last desperate days, a final appeal was made by Quauhte-
motzin to the national gods. Choosing one of the most valiant soldiers,
a youth called Tlapaltecatlopuchtzin, from the quarter of Coatlan,
he caused him to be vested in the armour of his dead father, the Em-
peror Ahuitzotl, giving him also the helmet and bow and arrows
which adorned the statue of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war, and which
were regarded as the most sacred emblems preserved in the temple.
Thus accoutred, the young warrior went forth, accompanied by a Chief
named Cihuacoatlucotzin, who acted as his herald, and who called
upon all the people in the name of the god, from whom they now, in
their extremity, demanded a sign. The effort was vain, and the god
was silent: this was on the tenth of August. On the night of the
eleventh, there burst over the city a terrific storm, in the midst of
which the affrighted Mexicans beheld a whirlwind of blood-red fire,
throwing out sparks and flashes of light, which seemed to start from
the direction of Tepeyaca and, passing over the small quarter of
Tenochtitlan still left to them, bury itself in the black waters of the
lake. This ominous apparition, which was probably a meteor, was
accepted as a portent symbolising the downfall of the empire, and the
extinction of their power. Cortes's description of the final assault,
the fall of the last entrenchment, and the capture of Quauhtemotzin,
is not embellished by rhetoric, but his terse language gave Charles V*
a faithful picture of that dreadful massacre. Neither does Bernal
Diaz enlarge upon details, and indeed no language could do justice
to the horror of the fall of the Aztec city, amidst the crash of battle,
the smoke and flame of burning houses, the wails of the vanquished,
and the shouts of the victors. The living and the dead choked the
canals, the wounded and dying were trampled together with putre-
fying corpses in the sea of bloody mire into which the streets had
been converted; the stifling August air reeked with the mingled smell
of fresh carnage and decaying bodies, while, amidst these human
shambles, the emaciated forms of women and children, destitute of
any refuge, tottered pitifully under the merciless weapons of the
savage allies, who gave no quarter, but hunted all alike through this
hell of despair, like demons set upon the ghosts of the eternally damned.

The courage of the defenders never flagged; under the leadership

151

152 Letters of Cortes

of their young sovereign, who kept his serenity throughout and exer-
cised his best generalship. These naked barbarians, weakened by
famine and confronted by inevitable defeat, fought against a steel-
clad foe, armed with guns both on land and on their ships, which
mowed down a very harvest of death at every discharge. Never
did they so much as name surrender thus verifying literally the
words with which Quauhtemotzin answered the Spanish overtures
for peace, that they would all perish to the last man in the city and he
would die fighting.

Cortes daily renewed his offers of honourable terms for the Em-
peror and his people if the city would surrender. Day after day, with
infinite patience, he made appointments which Quauhtemotzin never
kept; time after time, he wasted hours in waiting for better counsels
to prevail; but nothing he could say or do sufficed to allay the distrust
of Quauhtemotzin, or bring the Mexicans to terms. Their choice was
made; they had had enough of the Spaniards, whose semi-divine
character was an exploded myth, and whose presence in the land was
felt to be incompatible with the Aztec sovereignty. Cortes protests
throughout the greatest reluctance to destroy the city, and declares
repeatedly that the necessity of doing so filled him with inexpressible
grief. The fate known to be in store for every Spaniard taken alive,
and the sight of the hideous rites of sacrifice, performed under the
very eyes of the soldiers, helpless to intervene, followed by the cannibal
feasts, in which the mangled members of their comrades furnished
the banquet, were certainly sufficient to arouse the Spaniards to a
very frenzy against such inhuman foes, and yet there is no where
found any hint that the spirit of vengeance prompted reprisals on the
prisoners who fell into their hands. Such remains of the Spanish
victims as could be found were afterwards collected and reverently
buried : a chapel dedicated to the Martyrs was erected over the spot,
which was afterwards replaced by the Church of San Hipolito
(Orozco y Berra, lib. iii., cap. viii.).

Riotous celebrations of the city's fall naturally followed, the oppor-
tune arrival of some casks of wine and pork from Cuba furnishing the
substance for a banquet, which was followed by dancing. Bernal
Diaz remarks that the "plant of Noah was the cause of many fooleries
and worse, " and that he refrains from mentioning the names of those
who disgraced themselves by over-indulgence and unseemly antics.
Fray Bartolome' Olmedo was much scandalised at this profane cele-
bration, and quickly asserted his spiritual authority over the men.
The next morning a solemn mass of thanksgiving was said, and the
good friar delivered a sermon on the moral and religious duties of the
conquerors. Cortes and others received the sacraments, and these
becoming rites ended decorously with a procession in which the
crucifix and an image of the Blessed Virgin, accompanied by the
military standards, were carried to the sound of drums, alternating
with chanted litanies.

Appendix. Third Letter 153

These vinous and pious festivities over, the first great disappoint-
ment of the conquest had to be faced. The fabulous treasure was
nowhere to be found, nor did tortures succeed in producing it. The
place of its alleged burial in the lake, indicated by Quauhtemotzin,
was searched by divers, who, after many efforts, recovered only about
ninety crowns worth of gold (Bernal Diaz, cap. clvii). The same
authority states his opinion that, though it was rumoured that vast
treasures had been thrown into the lake four days before the end of
the siege, the amount had doubtless already been greatly diminished
before it came into Quauhtemotzin's hands, and moreover that, from
the first, the value of it had seemed double what it really was found
to be when it came to be accurately estimated. The discontent
amongst the soldiery was great, and expressed itself in several ways,
one of which, more original than the others, was the writing of pas-
quinades on the white walls of Cortes' s quarter at Coyohuacan, some of
which were witty, some insolent, and others not fit for print. Cortes
even deigned to reply to some of them in the same vein, and on the
same wall, for he rather prided himself on his ready wit and skill
at verse-making, but Fray Bartolome\ perceiving that the limits
of propriety were being overstepped, advised Cortes to stop the
practice, which he did by publishing severe punishments for any
further writing on the walls.

Positive data, on which to base a computation of the numbers en-
gaged during the siege and the lives lost, are wanting. Cortes es-
timates that 67,000 Mexicans fell in the last three assaults on the city,
and that fifty thousand died of starvation and diseases, without taking
any account of all those who perished during the earlier days of the
siege. Bernal Diaz gives no figures, but both he and the historian
Oviedo state their conviction that not more lives were lost at the
siege of Jerusalem than in Mexico. The Jewish historian Josephus
computes the losses of his people at 1,100,000 souls! The comparison
with these appalling figures is so obviously exaggerated that these
two authorities may safely be disregarded. Writing from the Mexican
standpoint, Ixtlilxochitl puts the number of the dead, from all causes,
at 240,000 persons, which greatly exceeds the estimate of Cortes.
The same discrepancy appears in the counting of the forces which
laid down their arms when Quauhtemotzin was captured. Oviedo
leads again, with 70,000. Ixtlilxochitl follows, with 60,000, and
Herrera, who agrees with Torquemada, puts the number at 30,000
fighting men. (Herrera, Hist. Gen., lib. ii., cap. vii.; Torquemada,
Monarchia Ind., lib. iv., cap. ci.; Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Espanoles,
p. 49. Oviedo lib. xxxiii.).

Whatever the exact number may have been, the Mexican Empire
was destroyed, its capital annihilated, and a vast number of people
butchered, amidst scenes of unexcelled ferocity and horror. The
annals of no great siege record deeds of greater bravery, and, had the
justice of their cause equalled the heroism of their defence, the down- •

i54 Letters of Cortes

fall of the Aztecs would be forever sung in song and story wherever
brave deeds are remembered.

As has been elsewhere explained, the laurels of the conquest are not
exclusively for Spanish brows. The superlative generalship and
personal qualities of Cortes, their superior arms and knowledge of
military tactics, and their indomitable courage, were the Spaniards'
contributions to the successful issue of the long campaign. In the
ready hatred of its neighbours, and the quick desertion of its depend-
encies and allies, is read the proof of the inherent weakness of the
Aztec Empire. All that these peoples possessed — their knowledge
of the country, their labour, their treasure, their fighting men, and
their thirst for vengeance — were placed at the disposition of Cortes,
and thus the conquest was accomplished. Even admitting the most
and the worst that has been said of the Spaniards' methods in carrying
on this war of invasion, the result commands our applause in the name
of humanity.

The Mexican civilisation, even granting that it had reached the
high perfection claimed for it by some writers, was chaotic, stationary,
and barren ; it rested upon despotic power, and its many crimes were
expiated in the blood of their perpetrators.

Whatever culture and refinement of living there were, centred in
the capital and its immediate neighbourhood, the outlying provinces
being peopled by aboriginal, not to say savage tribes, which justified
their existence by the tribute of men and money they paid, without
being sharers in the learning and luxury their labours sustained.
" Humanum paucis vivit genus."

The arrival of the Spaniards in the midst of this chaos of tyranny
and disloyalty shattered the loosely joined organisation, whose in-
ferior character foredoomed it to destruction when brought into
contact with a higher and more progressive type of civilisation.

The substitution of the Christian religion for the horrors of human
sacrifices and the revolting cannibal feasts is, of itself, a sufficient
justification for the overthrow of the Aztec Empire, whose bloody
and degrading rites were of the very essence of its religious system.
Upon the ruins of the old order, a new civilisation has been founded,
from which a nation still in the process of formation has developed, in
which Spanish and Indian blood are mingled, and which is advancing
on the road of human progress to what destiny we know not, but in
which the humblest Indian has his place living in a securer present,
and moving towards a higher future, than any his own race could have
shaped for him. Many of the best men in modern Mexico trace with
pride their descent from Aztec kings and nobles. A uniform and
rich language with its system of phonetic writing, the introduction
of horses and beasts of burden, the use of iron and leather, improved
systems of [mining and agriculture which have brought under civilisa-
tion vast tracts of land, and increased the variety and quality of crops
— these and countless other resources, unknown and unknowable to

Appendix. Third Letter 155

the Mexicans, have revolutionised the conditions of their existence
beyond anything their ancestors could have dreamed.

Even at the price it cost, the conquest must be approved, though it
obliterated an interesting and wonderful civilisation so entirely that
the few relics left serve but to stimulate enquiries to which few
answers are forthcoming.

With the destruction of the archives of Texcoco, and of the Golden
Key to the hieroglyphs, the sponge was passed over the tablets of
Aztec history: unwise laws destroyed native arts and crafts, whose
products had astonished the foremost artisans of Europe, while the
secrets of the lapidaries, of the gold- and silver-smiths, of the deft
workers in feathers, and of other unique crafts, perished for ever
leaving the civilisation of Anahuac a mystery for all time.

FOURTH LETTER

157

FOURTH LETTER

Very High, very Powerful, and most Excellent Prince
very Catholic and Invincible Emperor, King and Lord.

In the account which I sent to Your Majesty by Juan
de Ribera, concerning what had happened to me in these
parts after the second letter I despatched to Your High-
ness, I said that, in order to pacify and reduce to the
royal service of Your Majesty the Provinces of Guatusco,
Tuxtepeque, Quatasca, and others in the neighbourhood,
which are on the South Sea and which since the revolt
were in rebellion, I had sent the alguacil mayor thither
with some people; I told what had happened to him on
the road; and also that I had ordered him to make a
settlement in those provinces and to name the town
Medellin. It now remains that Your Highness should
know how the said town was founded and all that country
and its provinces subdued and pacified.

I sent him reinforcements, and ordered him to go up
the coast to the province of Guazacualco, which is fifty
leagues from where that town was founded and one hun-
dred and twenty from this city; for, when I was in this
city while Montezuma was still alive, striving to discover
all the secrets of these parts in order to give a full ac-
count of them to Your Majesty, I had sent thither Diego
de Ordaz, * who resides at the Court of Your Majesty;

1 Diego de Ordaz was a native of Tierra de Campo, and first came
to Mexico when he was forty years old, with Juan de Grijalba; he was
a Captain of infantry under Cortes, and conducted the first ascent
of Popocatepetl, for which exploit he was afterwards granted a volcano
in his armorial bearings. He received the Knighthood of Santiago,
and died as Governor of Maranon.

159

160 Letters of Cortes

and the lords and natives of the said province had re-
ceived him cordially, and had offered themselves as
vassals and subjects of Your Highness. I had received
information that there was a very good harbour for
ships at the mouth of a large river which flows through
that province ; for the said Ordaz and those with him had
explored it and had found the country very well adapted
for settling. The absence of harbours on this coast
made me anxious to find a good one where I might found
a town.

I ordered the alguacil mayor that, before entering the
province, he should send certain messengers whom I gave
him, natives of this city, to tell the inhabitants that he
went there by my orders to discover if they were still loyal
to Your Majesty's service and faithful to our amity, as
they had formerly professed to be; and to tell them also
that, on account of the wars I had carried on with the
sovereign of this city and its dependencies, I had sent no
one to visit them for a long time, but that I had always
considered them as my friends and vassals of Your High-
ness and that, as such, they might count upon my friend-
ship if they had need of it ; and that hence I sent my people
thither to pacify and to assist them in anything they
might require, and to settle that province. The alguacil
mayor departed with his people, and did as I commanded
him, but did not find the natives well disposed as they
had formerly professed, but rather they displayed a war-
like disposition to prevent the alguacil mayor and
his people from entering their country. He managed so
well that, surprising a town one night, he seized a woman
whom all in those parts obeyed, and everything quieted
because she sent to call the chiefs and ordered them to
observe whatever was commanded them in Your Majesty's
name as she herself intended to do. They arrived at the
river four leagues from its mouth where they founded a
town on a good site — as no good place was found nearer

Fourth Letter 161

the sea, to which the name of Espiritu Santo was given, and
the alguacil mayor stopped there for some days until many

0 f the neighbouring provinces were pacified and brought to
the service of Your Catholic Majesty. Some of these were :
Tabasco, which is on the River Victoria, or Grijalba as
it is commonly called, and that of Chimaclan, and Que-
chula, and Quizaltepeque, and others which being in-
significant I do not name. And we apportioned the
natives to the householders of the said town to serve
them; and they actually do serve them, although some,

1 mean those of Chimaclan, Tabasco, and Quizaltepeque,
have again rebelled. About a month since, I sent a
captain with some people from this city to subdue them
to the service of Your Majesty, and to punish their
rebellion; I have had no news of them but I believe, Our
Lord willing, they will succeed, as they took a good supply
of artillery, ammunition, crossbowmen, and horsemen.

In the account, most Catholic Sire, which the said
Juan de Ribera took with him, I also made it known
to Your Caesarian and Catholic Majesty that the ruler
of the great province near Mechuacan, whose name is
Casulci,1 had offered himself and his people as subjects
and vassals of Your Caesarian Majesty and had sent
certain presents by his messengers, which presents I sent
with the Procurators who went from this New Spain to
Your Highness. As the province and dominion of the
said Lord Casulci, according to the information which
certain Spaniards whom I sent there gave me, was large,
and, from all indications, very rich, and since it is so near
to this great city, after I had received reinforcements,
I sent thither a captain with seventy cavalry and two
hundred foot soldiers, well armed and provided with
artillery, to explore that province and its secrets, with

1 Catzolcin, King of Michoacan and ruler of Xalisco; he was after-
wards burned alive with many of his nobles by Nufio de Guzman, who
first robbed him of ten thousand marks of silver, a quantity of gold,
and six thousand men for his army.

1 62 Letters of Cortes

orders, if they found it as it was described, to settle in
the principal city — Huicicila. They were well received
and lodged by the chiefs and natives, who, besides pro-
viding them with food, gave them as much as three
thousand marks of silver, so mixed with copper that one-
half may have been silver; and about five thousand
dollars of gold, likewise mixed with silver in unknown
proportion and some cotton stuffs, and other things;
after having separated Your Majesty's fifth, these were
distributed amongst the Spaniards of the expedition.
As they were not much satisfied with the prospects of
settling in the country, they objected, and even showed
such disaffection that some were punished; on which
account I ordered those who wished to do so to go back,
and the others I ordered to go on with a captain to the
South Sea, where I have established a town called Za-
catula,1 distant one hundred leagues from Huicicila,
and where I have four ships in the dockyard for the ex-
ploration of that Sea as far as God our Lord will permit
me. While marching to Zacatula, the said captain and
his people heard of a province, called Coliman, which
lies off the road about fifty leagues westward ; so, without
my permission, he went thither with his people and many
allies from the Province of Mechuacan. He marched
some distance into it, coming into conflict with the na-
tives, and, although he had forty horsemen and more
than one hundred foot soldiers, musketeers, and cross-
bowmen, they routed him, and drove him from the coun-
try, killing three Spaniards and many of our Indian allies ;
he then took refuge in Zacatula. As soon as I heard
of this incident, I summoned the captain and punished
him for his disobedience.

In the former account which I sent to Your Caesarian

» Zacatula was the first port established on the Pacific coast.
Cortes made a dock-yard there. It still bears the same name and is
situated just north of Acapulco.

Fourth Letter 163

Majesty, I related how I had sent Pedro de Alvarado
to the province of Tututepeque ! on the South Sea, and I
could say no more than that he arrived there and had taken
the chief and his son prisoners ; and that they had given
him some gold and samples from the gold mines, and
of pearls, because, up to that time, I had nothing further
to report. Your Highness will recollect that, in reply
to the news which he sent me, I immediately ordered
him to seek an available site in that province for a settle-
ment, and that I also directed householders of the town
of Segura de la Frontera to move there, as there was no
further need for that town so near to this city. Thus
it was done, and the town was called Segura la Frontera
as before: the natives of Quaxaca, Coaclan, Coasclahuaca,
Tachquiaco, and others in that neighbourhood, were
distributed amongst the householders for their service
and willingly made themselves useful; and Pedro de
Alvarado stopped there as chief justice and captain in
my place. While I was engaged in conquering the pro-
vince of Panuco, as I shall hereafter state to Your Majesty,
the alcaldes and municipal officers of the said town be-
sought Pedro de Alvarado to go, with power of attorney,
to negotiate certain matters with me, which they de-
sired of him, to which he agreed ; and, when he was gone,
the alcaldes and municipal officers formed a conspiracy,
convoking the community and appointing other alcaldes
against the will of him whom the said Pedro de Alvarado
had left there as captain, and they removed the said
town to the province of Guaxaca, thus causing much
disturbance and confusion in those parts. When I
learned of this from the rightful captain, I sent Diego
de Ocampo,2 alcalde mayor, to obtain information of

1 Not to be confounded with the other town of the same name
in the present state of Puebla.

2 Diego de Ocampo was from Caceres; he was the first navigator
who reached Peru, having sailed from Tehuantepec in his own ship.

1 64 Letters of Cortes

what had happened, and to punish the culprits. They,
hearing this, fled, and wandered about for some days
until I captured them, so that the said alcalde mayor
secured only one of the rebels, whom he sentenced to
death; and this man appealed to me. I delivered those
whom I had captured to the said alcalde mayor, who
proceeded against them likewise, and sentenced them
as he did the other, and they also appealed; the cases
are now finished, and ready to be sentenced in the second
instance before me. I have -examined them, and, while
I think their error was very grave, still, considering the
long time they have been in prison, I have determined
to commute the death penalty to that of civil death
or banishment, forbidding them to return to these
parts without Your Majesty's permission under pain of
incurring their first sentence.

During this time, the chief of the said province of
Tututepeque died, and it and other neighbouring pro-
vinces rebelled, so I sent Pedro de Alvarado, and with
him the son of the said chief whom I had kept here in
my power. Although he had some encounters in which
some Spaniards were killed, they resumed their alle-
giance to Your Majesty, and are now pacified and serve
the Spaniards to whom they are surely and pacifically
apportioned, although the town has not been resettled
for want of people and because at present there is no
need for it, as, since their chastisement, they are so
subdued that they come even to this city when they are
summoned.

Immediately after this city of Temixtitan and its de-
pendencies were recovered there were reduced to the
Imperial Crown of Your Caesarian Majesty two provinces
called Tututepeque * and Mezclitan2 which are forty

He was one of those left in charge of the Government by Cortes when
he went to Spain.

1 Tututepec in the State of Puebla.

2 Metztithlan.

Fourth Letter 165

leagues towards the north and border on the province
of Panuco. The country is an extremely strong one,
and the people are well versed in the exercise of arms on
account of the adversaries who surround them on all
sides. They, seeing what had been done to these people
of Panuco, and how nothing hindered Your Majesty's
progress sent their messengers to me and offered them-
selves as your subjects and vassals. I received them in
the royal name of Your Majesty, and as such they always
considered themselves until the coming of Cristobal de
Tapia, who caused such disturbances and scandals
amongst these other peoples that they, too, not only re-
nounced their obedience, but even did much harm to
the neighbourhood where there are vassals of Your
Catholic Majesty, burning many towns and killing many
people. I had no people to spare at that moment, as
they were scattered in so many other places, but, seeing
that to leave this unnoticed was very mischievous, and
fearing that the people who bordered on those provinces
might join them for fear of reprisals if they did not, and
also because I was not myself entirely satisfied as to their
loyalty, I sent a captain with thirty horsemen, one hun-
dred foot soldiers, crossbowmen, musketeers, and many
Indian allies. Several encounters took place in which
they killed some of our friendlies and two Spaniards;
but our Lord was pleased that they should proffer peace
of their own free will; the chiefs were brought to me, and,
as they had come without being captured, I pardoned
them. Afterwards, when I went to the province of
Panuco, the natives spread the report that I was gone to
Castile, which news caused much apprehension; and one
of the two provinces — Tututepeque — again rebelled, and
its chief descended with many people and burned more
than twenty towns of our friendlies, and killed and cap-
tured numbers of them. Finding myself on the march
from the province of Panuco, I returned and subdued

1 66 Letters of Cortes

them, and, although at the outset they killed some of
our friendlies who had straggled behind, and some ten
or twelve horses foundered on account of the roughness
of the mountain roads, all the province was conquered,
and the lord and his brother, a youth, and another, his
captain-general, who guarded one of the frontiers, were
captured. The lord and his captain-general were im-
mediately hanged, and all who were captured in the war,
perhaps two hundred persons, were made slaves and were
branded and sold by auction. Your Majesty's fifth hav-
ing been paid, the rest of the proceeds were distributed
amongst those who took part in the war, although there
was not sufficient to pay for one-third of the horses
which perished, as, on account of the poverty of the
country, no other spoil had been obtained. The rest of
the people in the said province surrendered peaceably
and have kept their word. That young brother of the
dead chief is now lord, although for the present he is of
no service or profit as the country is so poor, still he
keeps it in such security that those who do serve us will
not be disturbed, and moreover, I have placed amongst
them some of the natives of this country for greater
security.

At this season, Most Invincible Caesar, there arrived at
the port and town of Espiritu Santo, which I mentioned
Mission of in the chapter before the last, a very small and
Juan Bono miserable brigantine coming from Cuba, on
board which was one Juan Bono de Quejo who had come to
this country in the armada of Panfilo de Narvaez as master
of one of the ships ; and, as it appeared from the despatches
he brought, he came by order of Don Juan de Fonseca,
Bishop of Burgos,1 in the belief that Cristobal de Tapia

1 Juan de Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos and titular [Archbishop of
Rosano, was of noble family, and when Dean of Seville had been named
by King Ferdinand to the presidency of the newly constituted Royal
Council for the Indies, which had charge of the affairs of the recently
discovered realms in the New World. This appointment was sin-

Fourth Letter 167

whom he had designated for Governor of this country was
here. Lest he should meet with an unfavourable reception ,
as for notorious reasons he was led to fear, he was sent by
way of the island of Cuba in order to communicate with
Diego de Velasquez; this he did and was given by the
latter the brigantine in which he came. The said Juan
Bono brought about one hundred letters of the same
tenor, signed by the said Bishop, and I even believe
they were in blank so that he could deliver them to such
persons as seemed expedient here, telling them that they
would render great service to Your Cassarian Majesty
by receiving the said Tapia, and promising them in-
creased and signal favours for so doing; saying also that
they should know Your Excellency was displeased at
their being under my command, besides many other
things tending to excite them to sedition and disquiet.
To me, he wrote another letter, telling me the same, and
saying if I would obey the said Tapia he would obtain
signal favours from Your Majesty for me, and if not, I
might be sure he would always be my mortal enemy.
The arrival of this Juan Bono and the letters he brought
occasioned such commotion among my company that
I declare to Your Majesty I had to reassure them, ex-
plaining to them why the Bishop had written thus and

gularly unfortunate as he possessed no aptitude for the post, and, being
of choleric temper, touchy, vindictive, and given to favouritism, he
seems never to have grasped the possibilities of his office, or to have
comprehended the meaning of the events, whose course he was called
upon to shape. Instead of aiding and encouraging the daring men
who were eager to stake everything, including their lives, in great
enterprises, he almost invariably vexed and persecuted them, per-
verting his great power to thwart the very undertakings it was his
business to favour. He was bitterly hostile to Columbus, continuing
his opposition to his son Diego. The story of his dealings with Cortes
sufficiently appears from the accounts in these Letters. The Em-
peror's eyes were finally opened to his incurable defects of character,
and his influence received its death-blow from the transactions of his
agents with Cortes. He died March 14, 1524, having done his worst
during thirty years with the interests confided to his direction.

1 68 Letters of Cortes

that they should not fear his threats as the greatest
service to Your Majesty, and for which they would receive
greater favours, was to resent the meddling of the Bishop
and of any of his creatures in those parts; because his
intention was to conceal the truth from Your Majesty,
obtaining favours the while without your knowing what
was given in exchange. I had much trouble to pacify
them, especially as I was informed — although I dis-
sembled at the time — that some murmured amongst
themselves, saying that since thus far they had received
nothing but threats in payment for their services they
might better form themselves into comunidades1 as had
been done in Castile until Your Majesty should be in-
formed of the truth; for the Bishop had so many fingers
in this business and thus prevented their accounts from
reaching Your Highness, as he held the office of the Casa
de la Contratacion 2 at Seville in his hands, where their
messengers were ill-treated, and their letters and monies
were seized, and reinforcements, supplies, arms, and
provisions were withheld from them. When I spoke
to them as I have explained above, and told them that
Your Majesty was not in any wise cognisant of this, and
they might rest assured that, when Your Highness came

1 Referring to the uprising of the Town Corporations in Spain,
provoked by a grant of subsidies which the Cortes held in Galicia made
to the king, without having first obtained from him the settlement
of long standing grievances which awaited his adjustment. The Cor-
porations were powerful bodies, governed by independent and dem-
ocratic principles, possessing charters which granted them valuable
privileges and immunities which they jealously defended against the
Crown, the Church, and the Nobles. They sent representatives to
the Cortes and could check the royal power by refusing funds.
When, therefore, the Cortes subserviently voted the supplies asked
by Charles V., who was in haste to leave for Germany where he
had been elected Emperor, the cities revolted. Toledo, setting the
example, under the leadership of Juan de Padilla was followed by
Burgos, Segovia Zamora, and others, including Valladolid, where the
cardinal-regent was then living.

2 Casa de Contratacion, or India house as Prescott aptly translates
the name, was created for the administration of affairs in America.

Fourth Letter 169

to know, their services would be recompensed and they
would receive such favours as loyal vassals who had
served their King and Lord merited, they became re-
assured, and they were and are still content with the
favour which Your Highness deemed well to bestow
upon me with Your Royal provisions, and they serve
very willingly as the fruits of their service give testimony.
They deserve, therefore, that Your Majesty should con-
cede them great favours, which I on my part supplicate
most humbly from Your Highness because I deem any-
thing conceded to them as no less a favour than if it
had been granted to me, for without them I could not
have served Your Highness as I have; and especially
do I most humbly supplicate Your Highness to order
some recognition of their services to be sent them in
writing, promising them favours; because besides paying
a debt which Your Majesty owes them, they will be
animated henceforth with greater good will to continue.
By a royal cedula which Your Caesarian Majesty ordered
to be given at the petition of Juan de Ribera, respecting
the affair of the adelantado,1 Francisco de Garay, it
seems that Your Highness was informed that I was about
to go very soon to the river Panuco to pacify that region,
because it was stated that there was a good harbour
there, and because the natives had killed many Spaniards,
not only of those under Francisco de Garay's captain,
but also those of another ship which sometime after-
wards arrived on that coast of whom none escaped alive.
Some of the natives of those parts had come to me, ex-

1 The title given to the Governor of a province, and which, in the
case of the Spanish discoverers, meant the Commander of an exploring
expedition who was empowered to colonise and establish a Government
of which he should be the head, in any countries he might discover.
Las Casas sarcastically explained the etymology of the title saying
" porque se adelantaron en hacer males y danos tan gravissimos a gentes
pacificos " (because they took the lead in perpetrating such great evils
and injuries on peaceful people).

170 Letters of Cortes

cusing themselves for those murders, saying that they
had acted thus because they knew those men were not
under my command, and because they had been ill-
treated by them; but that, if I wished to send my people
there, they would esteem it a great favour and would
serve them the best they could, and would thank me
very much, because they feared that the others with
whom they had fought might return against them and
take vengeance, and also because they had hostile neigh-
bours who molested them, whereas if I sent Spaniards
there they would be protected. I was short of people
when they came so I was unable to comply, but I
promised I would do so as soon as possible; and thus
satisfied them so that ten or twelve towns in that neigh-
bourhood offered themselves as vassals of Your Majesty.
A few days afterwards, they again returned, and be-
sought me most earnestly to send some Spaniards to
settle there, as I had done in other places, because they
were much molested by their foes and others of their
own nation who lived along the seacoast, because they
were our friends. To comply with this, and for the
purpose of/ making a settlement in their country, and
also because I had then received reinforcements, I sent
a captain with certain companions to the said river, but
just as they were leaving I learned by a ship that had
arrived from Cuba how the Admiral Don Diego Colon1
and the adelantados, Diego Velasquez and Francisco
de Garay, had agreed amongst themselves to go there
with the hostile intention of doing me all the mischief
they could. To forestall the effects of their evil inten-
tions, and to prevent a disturbance and trouble arising
from their going similar to what had occurred on the
arrival of Narvaez, I determined to go myself, leaving

1 Diego Columbus had obtained a royal decree from the Car-
dinal-Regent (afterwards Adrian VI.), during the Emperor's absence
in Germany, which was dated from Burgos in 1521, authorising him
to colonise the Panuco country.

Fourth Letter 171

this city as well defended as I could, so that if any of
them did come there they would meet me rather than
another; for I could better prevent the mischief.

I set out therefore with one hundred and twenty
horsemen, three hundred foot soldiers, some artillery, and
about forty thousand Indian warriors of this city Campaign
and its neighbourhood. At the frontier of their in Panuco
country quite twenty-five leagues from the port, and in the
neighbourhood of a large town called Ayntuscotaclan, l
we encountered and fought with many warriors, but owing
to our numerous Indian allies, and also to the fact that
the ground was level and suitable for the cavalry, the
battle did not last long; although they wounded some
horses and Spaniards and some of our friendlies perished,
they got the worst share, for many of them were killed.
I remained in that town two or three days for the purpose
of caring for the wounded and also because those who
had formerly offered themselves as vassals to Your
Highness came to see me there. From there they ac-
companied me to the port and ever afterwards rendered
us the greatest possible service. I continued my march
until I reached the port, and nowhere did I have any
further hostile encounters, but rather, all along the road,
the people came and asked pardon for their error, and
offered themselves for the royal service of Your Highness.
When I reached the port and river, I lodged in a town,
called Chila,2 five leagues from the sea, which was aban-
doned and burned because it was there that Francisco
de Garay's captain and his people were routed. From
there I sent messengers to the other side of the river and
along those lakes which are all peopled with great towns,
telling them to have no fears for what had happened in
the past for I was well aware they had revolted on account
of the ill-treatment they had received from our people

1 The present Coscatlan at the mouth of the Huasteca River.

2 The small lake of Chila near the mouth of the river Panuco.

172 Letters of Cortes

and that they deserved no blame for it. But they never
would come to me, but ill-treated the messengers, and
even killed some of them. They also stationed them-
selves on the other side of the river, at the spring where
we got our fresh water, and attacked those who went
to fetch it. This continued for more than fifteen days
while I waited always hoping to win them by kindness,
and that, on seeing how well treated those were who
had submitted, they would do likewise; but they had
such confidence in the strength of their position among
these lakes that they never would yield. And seeing
that gentle means availed nothing with them, I sought
a means to bring matters to a finish. I already had
some canoes and managed to procure some others, so that
one night I transported my men and horses across the
lake without the enemy suspecting anything, and by
morning I had assembled a strong troop of foot soldiers
and horsemen, leaving at the same time a good garrison
in my quarters. When they saw us on their side they
fell upon us in great numbers so fiercely that never since
I have been in this country have I been so vigorously
attacked; and they killed two horses and wounded ten
others so badly that they were disabled. In the course
of the day — thanks to God — the enemy was defeated,
and we pursued them for more than a league and killed
numbers of them. With the thirty horsemen remaining
and one hundred foot soldiers, I continued my march,
and slept that night in a town three leagues from the camp
which was found deserted. In the mosques of this town
we found many articles belonging to those Spaniards
who had been sent by Francisco de Garay, and who
had been killed.

The next day, I set out along the shore of the lake,
searching for a passage to the other side where we had
seen people and towns, but I marched all day without
finding it, nor any place to cross; and towards the hour

Fourth Letter 173

of vespers we came in sight of a very beautiful town, and
marched towards it as it still lay on the shore of the lake.
Upon approaching, it was already late and no people
appeared, but to make sure I sent ten horsemen into the
town by the main road and I with another ten went
round towards the lake; for the other ten were bringing
up the rear-guard and had not yet arrived. On entering
the town, a number of people who had been hiding in
ambush in the houses, so as to take us unawares, came
out and fought so stoutly that they killed a horse and
wounded almost all the others besides many Spaniards.
Their determination was such that the battle lasted a long
time; though we broke through them three or four times,
they re-formed in a phalanx, kneeling on the ground,
and, without speaking or shouting as the other natives
are accustomed to do, they would await us; and each
time we charged them they discharged such a volley of
arrows against us that, had we not been well armoured,
they would have gained a great advantage, and I believe
that none of us would have escaped. It pleased our
Lord that some of them who were nearest the river,
which emptied into the lake near there and whose course
I had followed all day long, began to throw themselves
into the water, and all the others followed ; and thus they
dispersed, though they did not go further than the other
bank of the river. Thus they on one side, and I on the
other, remained until night fell, as on account of the
depth of the water we could not cross to them. Indeed
we were glad when they crossed, for we then returned to
the town, about a sling's throw from the river, where we
mounted guard and remained that night: and we ate
the horse which they killed for we had no other provisions.
The next day, we went out on the road, for the people of
the day before did not appear; and we marched through
three or four towns where there were no people nor any-
thing but a few wine vaults, in which we found large

1 74 Letters of Cortes

numbers of earthen jars filled with wine. During the
whole day we met no people, and slept on the bare ground
at a place where we found some fields of maize, with
which the people and the horses somewhat refreshed
themselves. In this wise, I continued for two or three
days, without meeting any people, although we passed
through many towns. Being in want of provisions, as
we had not amongst the whole of us fifty pounds of bread,
we returned to the camp and found the people I had left
there doing very well, and having had no encounters.
Seeing the entire population was on the other side of the
lake where I had not been able to cross, I embarked my
men, crossbowmen and musketeers, and the horses during
one night, ordering them to cross to the other shore
where others of my people would join them by land.
Thus they arrived at a large town, where they surprised
the inhabitants, killing a large number of them; the others
were so frightened, seeing themselves surprised in the
midst of their lakes, that they came to seek peace, and,
in less than twenty days, the entire population offered
themselves as subjects and vassals to Your Majesty.

When the country was pacified, I sent people to visit
every part of it, in order to bring me reports of the towns
and peoples. When these were brought, I chose
0f the most suitable place, and founded there a

Santistevan town which I called Santistevan del Puerto,1
del Puerto establishing as inhabitants those who wished
to remain, and giving them in the name of Your Majesty
those towns for their service. I appointed alcaldes and
municipal officers, and left a captain there as my lieu-
tenant, besides thirty horsemen and one hundred foot
soldiers; I also left them a barque and a fishing boat
which was brought to me with provisions from Vera

i San Estevan del Puerto was built on a narrow strip of land sep-
arating Lake Chila from the sea. Pedro de Valleja was placed there
as his lieutenant.

Fourth Letter 175

Cruz. One of my servants also had sent me a ship
with provisions of meat, bread, wine, oil, and vinegar,
but everything was lost, excepting three men who took
refuge on a desert island five leagues from the coast for
whom I sent to search. They were found in good health,
having kept themselves alive by eating the seals which
were plentiful on the island, and a kind of fruit like figs. !
I certify to Your Majesty that this expedition cost me
alone more than thirty thousand dollars in gold, as Your
Majesty may order to be shown by the accounts, if such
is your will; and those who went with me had as great
expenses, for horses, provisions, arms, and horse-shoes,
which at that time cost their weight in gold, or twice
their weight in silver. But, to serve Your Majesty well,
we would have undertaken it, even had our expenses
been greater, for, besides putting those Indians under
the imperial yoke of Your Majesty, our expedition pro-
duced good results, for, immediately after, there arrived
a ship with many people and provisions and, had the coun-
try not been at peace, none of them would have escaped,
as had happened with the others whom the Indians had
killed, and whose remains we had found in their temples.
I mean their skins, cured in such a manner that we
recognised the faces of many of them. When the adelan-
tado, Francisco de Garay, arrived in that province, as I
shall relate to Your Caesarian Majesty later, neither he,
nor any of those with him, would have escaped alive;
for the wind drove them thirty leagues from Panuco
where they lost some ships, and the others were driven
disabled ashore, where, had they not found the people
at peace, and ready to carry them on their backs, and
serve them, in a Spanish town, they would have all
perished, even had there been no other hostilities. It

1 Lobos marinos are sometimes called sea-dogs. The figs were the
fruit of the nopal or Mexican cactus, commonly called tunas, which
are very refreshing.

176 Letters of Cortes

was thus a great good fortune to find that country at
peace.

In the chapter before this, Most Excellent Prince, I
related how, during my march after the pacification
E diti n °^ ^e Province °f Panuco, the province of
t0 Tututepeque, which had rebelled, had been

South Coast again conquered, and all that was done there.
Provinces j receive(j news of a province, called Im-
pilcingo, which is near the South Sea, and which is
much the same as Tututepeque in the mountainous
and rugged character of its country; and the equally
war-like inhabitants had done much mischief to the
vassals of Your Caesarian Majesty on the border of their
country; and these had come to complain of them and
ask for help. Although my people were not rested,
as the road from one sea to the other is two hundred
leagues, I immediately assembled twenty-five horsemen
and eighty foot soldiers, whom I sent to that province
with one of my captains ; I instructed him to seek to win
the inhabitants by peaceful means, and if unsuccessful to
fight them. He went there, and had several encounters
with them, but, on account of the ruggedness of the
country, it was impossible to conquer it entirely. I had
also ordered him, in the same instructions, that, having
accomplished this, he should go to the city of Zacatula,
and, to proceed with his people and those whom he
might collect there to the province of Coliman, where,
as I have related in the preceding chapters, they had
routed and captured the people who had come from the
province of Mechuacan ; and to seek to win them by kind-
ness, but if he could not, to conquer them. He departed,
and altogether, with the people he took, and those whom
he collected there, he assembled fifty horsemen and
one hundred and fifty footmen and marched to the said
province down the coast by the South Sea about sixty
leagues from the city of Zacatula. He pacified several

Fourth Letter 177

towns along the road, and reached the said province,
rinding, at the place where the other captain had been
routed, many warriors, who were expecting him, con-
fident that they could treat him as they had done the
other. Our Lord was pleased that the victory in this
encounter should be for us, none of ours being killed,
although many men and horses were wounded ; the enemy
paid dearly for the mischief they had done, and this pun-
ishment was sufficient, without further fighting to bring
the whole country suing immediately for peace; not
merely that province, but many other neighbouring
ones, which came and offered themselves as vassals of
Your Caesarian Majesty, namely: Aliman, Colimante,
and Ceguatan. He wrote me from there all that had
happened, and I ordered him to seek a good site to found
a town, which he should call Coliman like the province,
and I sent him the nominations for alcaldes and municipal
officers, directing him to visit the towns and peoples of
those provinces and bring me the fullest reports of the
secrets of the country. When he returned, he brought
this report, as well as certain samples of pearls; and, in
the name of Your Majesty, I divided the towns and those
provinces amongst the settlers who remained there, who
numbered twenty-five horsemen and one hundred and
twenty foot soldiers. In his description of these provinces,
there was news of a very good port on that coast, which
greatly pleased me because they are few: he likewise
brought me an account of the chiefs of the province of
Ceguatan, who affirm that there is an island inhabited
only by women without any men, and that, at given
times, men from the mainland visit them; if they
conceive, they keep the female children to which they
give birth, but the males they throw away. This island
is ten days' journey from the province, and many of
them went thither and saw it, and told me also that it
is very rich in pearls and gold. I shall strive to ascertain

178 Letters of Cortes

the truth, and, when I am able to do so, I shall make a
full account to Your Majesty.1

On returning from the province of Panuco, and while
in a town called Tuzapan, the two Spaniards arrived,
whom I had sent with some natives of Temixtitan and
others of Soconusco (which latter is on the coast of the
South Sea, near where Pedrarias Davila is Your High-
nesses's Governor, two hundred leagues from this great
city of Temixtitan) to obtain information of some towns,
about which I have heard for a long time, and which are
called Uclaclan and Guatemala, and which are more than
seventy leagues distant from this province of Soconusco.
There came with these Spaniards more than one hundred
of the inhabitants of those two towns, sent by their chiefs
to declare themselves subjects and vassals of Your Im-
perial Majesty. I received them in Your Royal name
and assured them that, if they remained faithful to their
pledge, they would be well treated and favoured by me
and my people in Your Majesty's name; and I gave them
some presents of things which they esteem, not only for
themselves, but also for their chief, and sent two other
Spaniards back with them to provide everything necessary
along the road. Since then, I have learned from certain
Spaniards in the province of Soconusco, that those cities
with their provinces, and another, called Chiapan, near
there, have not kept faith, but are molesting the towns
of Soconusco because they are our friends. On the other
hand, the Christians have written to me that they con-
stantly send messengers to excuse themselves, saying
that these things had been done by others, and that they
had no part in it. So, to learn the truth of this, I de-
spatched Pedro de Alvarado, with eighty odd horsemen

1 The island of the Amazons turned out to be a myth. Another
such island is mentioned in Pigafetta's letter on Magellan's voyage
as existing in the Malay Archipelago, called Acoloro near Java, but
he says that he only heard of it from a pilot (Primo Viaggio Intorno
al Mondo, Ant. Pigafetta, translated by A. Robertson, 1905).

Fourth Letter 179

and two hundred foot soldiers, amongst whom were many
crossbowmen and musketeers ; he took four field pieces and
artillery, and a great supply of ammunition and powder.
I likewise had an armada of ships built, of which I
sent Cristobal de Olid as captain, he having come with
me to go to the North Coast, where I ordered Cortes
him to make a settlement on the Cape of named
Hibueras, which is sixty leagues from the Bay Captain -
of Ascension, beyond what is called Yucatan, Genera
on the coast of the mainland towards Darien * : for I
have information that that country is very rich, and
many pilots believe that a strait links that Bay with the
other sea, and this is the one thing in the world which
I most desire to discover, and which I think would render
greatest service to Your Caesarian Majesty. As these
two captains were about to start, with all preparations
for the march completed, I received a message from each
of them, from Santistevan del Puerto which I had founded

1 This coast was first reached by Rodrigo de Bastidas and Nicuesa
in 1502; the survivors of the expedition of Nicuesa and Ojeda founded
a town there which Encisa named Santa Maria Antigua, in honour
of the Blessed Virgin venerated under that title in Seville ; Vasco Nunez
de Balboa was Governor, and Pizarro, who later conquered Peru, was one
of Ojeda's companions. The hardships endured by Ojeda and his men
were beyond all human endurance, and the description of their suffer-
ings from disease, famine, shipwreck, and rebellions within the colony,
and fighting the Indians without, is one of the most harrowing tales of
human misery and human courage anywhere to be read. Cortes
was providentially prevented from joining this expedition by a swelling
on his knee which laid him up. The pilot and cosmographer, Juan
de la Cosa, was killed by a poisoned arrow. Ojeda himself survived,
but died poor and obscure in San Domingo. Gomara (Hist. Gen.)
says that he became a monk, but Las Casas who mentions his wish
to be buried under the threshold of the Church of St. Francisco,
so that all who entered might tread upon his grave as an act of ex-
piation for his sins of pride, does not mention that he belonged to any
religious order.

The end of Nicuesa was even more unfortunate, for he was driven
from Darien by the rebellious colonists, and, putting to sea with a
few followers in an unseaworthy vessel, poorly provisioned, was never
seen again.

180 Letters of Cortes

on the River Panuco, telling me that the Governor
Francisco de Garay had arrived at Panuco with one
hundred and twenty horse, four hundred foot soldiers,
and numerous artillery, proclaiming himself, through
an interpreter, whom he had brought with him, governor
of the country ; he told the Indians he would revenge the
ills they had suffered at my hands in the recent war,
and that they should join with him in driving out those
Spaniards whom I had placed there, and that he would
help them; besides many other scandalous things which
considerably agitated the natives. To confirm my sus-
picion of his understanding with the Admiral and Diego
Velasquez, a few days later, there arrived at the river
a caravel from the island of Cuba having on board certain
friends and servants of Diego Velasquez, and a servant
of the Bishop of Burgos, who said that he came as factor
for Yucatan ; and the rest of the company was composed
of creatures and relatives of Diego Velasquez and of the
Admiral. When I heard this news, although I had a lame
arm from a fall from my horse, and was in bed, I decided
to go to meet him and arrange the difficulty, and I im-
mediately sent Pedro de Alvarado ahead of me with all
the people he had ready for his march, while I prepared
to start in two days. My bed and baggage were already
on the road and had gone ten leagues from Mexico to a
place where I was to join them, when, towards midnight,
there arrived a courier from Vera Cruz who brought me
letters,1 which had arrived from Spain in a ship, and

1 The fortunate arrival of the Emperor's letter forbidding Garay to
interfere in any way with Cortes's administration, or to settle any
lands already occupied by him, nipped this very serious difficulty in
the bud. Alvarado's prompt success with Ovalle, who yielded with
scarcely a show of resistance, suggests that a little golden diplomacy
may have been used with him and his men, as had been successfully
employed with Narvaez's followers under similar circumstances. The
ship's captains were equally amenable, and Grijalba could not make
good his intention to fight. The exhibition of the royal cedula ren-
dered Garay powerless, his prestige amongst his followers was hope-

Fourth Letter 181

with them a cedula, signed with the royal name of Your
Majesty. By this latter the said Governor Francisco de
Garay was commanded not to meddle in the affairs of
the said river region, or in any way where I had settled,
as Your Majesty desired that I should hold them in Your
Royal name; for which I kiss the royal feet of Your
Caesarian Majesty a hundred thousand times. The ar-
rival of this cedula interrupted my journey, which was of

lessly damaged, and, meanwhile, their imaginations had been so fired
by the alluring tales of Alvarado and Ocampo that the majority were
deaf to their leader's commands and entreaties. They had the tech-
nical excuse that they had engaged for an expedition to Panuco under
certain stipulated conditions, but for nowhere else, and, as to Panuco,
Garay could not go, their contract no longer bound them. Ocampo,
to whom Garay appealed to uphold his authority, made a show of
beating the country for fugitives, but was careful to collect only the
least desirable men, those known as adherents of Velasquez, whom he
was glad to see leave the country. Reduced to these straits, Garay
went to Mexico where Cortes played the magnanimous, receiving him
as an old friend and arranged a marriage between his daughter Catalina
and Garay 's eldest son.

On Christmas eve, Garay assisted at midnight mass with Cortes
and breakfasted with him afterwards; the same day he was seized
with violent pains and died a few days later; so opportune did his
death seem to some, that whispers of poison were not wanting. The
rising of the Indians of Panuco provoked by Garay's lawless followers
under command of his son, whose authority they ignored, was one of
the most formidable of its kind, and its suppression by Alvarado was
marked by the ferocious cruelty characteristic of him. Ocampo, as
lieutenant of Cortes, presided as judge at the sham trial, passing
barbarous sentence on about four hundred prisoners, the chiefs and
principal men of the tribes. Of these some were burned, while others
were hanged, and, in order that the lesson might not be lost on the
Indians, they were compelled to be present at this ghastly execution
which took place en masse.

The proposed marriage between Dona Catalina and the son of Garay
never took place, for she is mentioned in the bull of legitimisation,
in 1529, as a maiden: and, in her father's will, made in 1547, she is
mentioned as being in a convent in Coyohuacan. It is difficult to
identify her mother, for Archbishop Lorenzana says she was the
daughter of Cortes 's first wife Catalina Xuarez ; others affirm that her
mother was Marina de Escobar, and still others that she was the
daughter of Dona Elvira (daughter of Montezuma), in which case she
would have been an infant at the time of her betrothal to Garay.

1 82 Letters of Cortes

advantage to my health, because for sixty days I had
hardly slept, and was so overcome with work that to
travel at such a time was to risk my life.

I had however, put all considerations aside and held it
better to die on the march than to live and be the cause
of such scandals and troubles and deaths as would no-
toriously have followed; so I immediately sent Diego de
Ocampo, alcalde mayor, with the said cedula to follow
Pedro de Alvarado, to whom I also sent a letter ordering
him on no account to go where the people of the adelantado
were, so as to avoid disturbances; and I ordered the said
alcalde mayor to notify the adelantado of that cedula
and to let me know immediately what he said. He
set out as quickly as possible and reached the province
of the Guatescas, through which Pedro de Alvarado
had passed into the interior of the province. When
the latter learned that the alcalde mayor had come, and
that I had remained behind, he told Ocampo that one
of Garay's captains, called Gonzalo Dovalle, was scouring
the country with twenty- two horsemen, pillaging the
villages, and disturbing the Indians, and that he had
been told that this captain had placed spies on the road
where Alvarado must pass; all of which greatly vexed
the said Alvarado and convinced him that Gonzalo
Dovalle intended to attack him. He pushed on ahead
with his people to a village called Las Lajas, where he
found Gonzalo Dovalle with his people. Alvarado spoke
with him and told him that he knew what he had been
doing, and marvelled much at it, because the governor and
his captains had in no way intended to offend the people
of Garay, but on the contrary planned to aid them and
furnish them with whatever they might need; however,
since things had taken another turn, he asked him as a
favour, and in order to ensure that no scandal or mischief
should ensue amongst the people on one side or the other,
not to take it ill if his arms and horses were sequestrated

Fourth Letter 183

until some agreement should be reached. Gonzalo
Dovalle excused himself, assuring Alvarado that he had
been misinformed as to what had happened, but accepted
the conditions which were imposed; thus the two troops
were united, the men living and eating together without
any dissension. As soon as the alcalde mayor learned
this, he ordered one of my secretaries, Francisco de
Orduna, who had gone with him, to go to the captains,
Pedro de Alvarado and Dovalle, taking an order to
return the arms and horses to their owners, and to tell
them it was my intention to aid and favour them in
everything they might require, but that they should not
make trouble in the country; he further counselled
Alvarado to come to a good understanding with Dovalle
and not to mix in any way in his affairs; and this was
done.

At the same time, Most Powerful Lord, it happened
that the ships of the said adelantado, which were lying at
the mouth of the River Panuco were a menace Events at
to the inhabitants of the town of Santistevan, Santistevan
which I had founded three leagues up the river where all
the ships which arrived at that port anchored. Seeing this,
my lieutenant in that town, Pedro de Vallejo, wishing to
forestall any danger arising from possible troubles with
those ships, required the captains and masters of them
to go up the river peacefully without disturbing the
country, and he also required them that, if they had
any authority from Your Majesty to settle or land in
that country or for any other purpose, they should exhibit
it, protesting that it would be complied with in every
respect as Your Majesty commanded. The captains and
masters answered these requirements, refusing everything
the lieutenant commanded, which obliged the latter to
issue a second order to them, insisting anew on all that he
had ordered in the first requirement under certain penal-
ties ; to this mandate they replied as before. Seeing there-

1 84 Letters of Cortes

fore that their remaining with the ships at the mouth of
the river for the space of two months or more would
result in causing scandal, not only amongst the Spaniards,
but also among the natives, two masters of the said ships,
one Castromocho, and the other Martin de San Juan a
Guipuzcoan, secretly sent messengers to the lieutenant
telling him they wished for peace and would obey his
commands, which they thought just, and that they would
do whatever he ordered them, adding that the other
ships would likewise obey him. Upon receiving this
information, my lieutenant decided to go aboard the
vessels, accompanied by only five men; he was re-
ceived by the pilots with all respect, and from there he
sent to Juan de Grijalba, the commander of the fleet, on
board the flag-ship and summoned him to obey the or-
ders which had already been communicated to him. The
said captain not only refused to obey, but he ordered
the other ships to unite with his and surround the other
two above mentioned and fire upon them with their
artillery and sink them: this order was made public,
and everybody heard it, and my lieutenant responded
by ordering the artillery of the two ships which obeyed
him to be prepared. Meanwhile, the captains and
masters of the ships about the flag-ship refused to obey
Grijalba's orders, seeing which, he sent a notary, called
Vicente Lopez, to my lieutenant to arrange matters. My
lieutenant answered that he came there merely to ne-
gotiate peace and prevent the scandals which the pres-
ence of these ships outside the port provoked, as they
seemed like pirates ready to make a raid on the domin-
ions of Your Majesty, which sounded very badly, ad-
vancing other reasons in support of this opinion. These
arguments prevailed upon the notary Vicente Lopez to
return with the reply to Captain Grijalba whom he in-
formed of all he had heard from the lieutenant, persuad-
ing the captain to obey, for it was clear that the said

Fourth Letter 185

lieutenant was the justice of that province for Your
Majesty, and the said Captain Grijalba knew, that neither
the Governor, Francisco de Garay, nor he himself had
presented any royal provisions which the lieutenant and
inhabitants of Santistevan were bound to obey, and that
it was a very ugly thing to act in this way; for they
were behaving like pirates in Your Majesty's dominions.
Convinced by these reasons, Captain Grijalba, and the
captains and masters of the other ships, obeyed the lieu-
tenant and went up the river to where ships usually
anchored.

Upon arriving at the port, the lieutenant ordered the
said Juan de Grijalba to be imprisoned for the disobedience
he had shown to his mandates but when this juan ^e
imprisonment became known to him, the alcalde Grijalba
mayor immediately ordered the said Juan Gri- ImPnsoned
jalba to be set free the next day and that he and all the
others should be treated kindly; and thus it was done. In
like manner, the said alcalde mayor wrote to Francisco de
Garay, who was in another port ten or twelve leagues further
South, telling him that I was unable to come and see him
but that I had sent him with my power of attorney to
come to some agreement and exhibit our provisions on one
side and on the other so as to decide what might best
advance Your Majesty's service. As soon as Francisco
de Garay saw the letter of the alcalde mayor he came to
meet him and was very well received, and his people
were provided with all necessaries. At this meeting,
after having discussed and seen the provisions and the
cedula which Your Majesty had so graciously sent me,
the said adelantado obeyed it, and declared that in
compliance with it, he, with his people, would retire to
his ships and go to settle in some other country beyond
the boundaries designated in Your Majesty's cedula:
and since I wished to assist him, he besought the alcalde
mayor to collect all his people, for many of them wished

1 86 Letters of Cortes

to stop there and others had gone off, and also to supply
him with provisions for the ships and people of which
he stood in need. The alcalde mayor immediately pro-
vided everything he asked, and it was published by
the public crier, in the port where most of the people
of both sides were staying, that all persons who had come
in the armada of the adelantado, Francisco de Garay,
should join him under penalty that, whoever did not,
if he were a horseman, he should lose his arms and horse
and be imprisoned by the adelantado, and if a foot
soldier, he should receive one hundred stripes and likewise
be imprisoned.

The adelantado likewise asked the alcalde mayor that,
inasmuch as some of his people had sold their arms and
Difficulties h°rses m the Por^ °f Santistevan, and in the
of port where they stopped, and elsewhere in

Francisco the neighbourhood, they might be returned
e aray to him, because without arms and horses his
people would be of no use; the alcalde mayor ordered
the horses and arms to be taken wherever they might be
found and to be returned to the adelantado. The alcalde
mayor also sent out and seized all those who had deserted,
and many were thus captured and brought in. He also
sent the alguacil mayor of Santistevan, with a secretary
of mine, to ensure in that town and port, the same diligence
in proclaiming by the public crier and capturing de-
serters and in collecting all the provisions possible for
the ships of the adelantado ; besides which he ordered the
arms and horses which had been sold there also to be
taken and brought back to the adelantado. All this
was done with great diligence, and the adelantado left
for the port to embark, while the alcalde mayor remained
behind with his people so as not to make too great de-
mands on the supplies of the port, and in order to provide
the better for everything; and he stopped there six or
seven days to see that all I had ordered was executed.

Fourth Letter 187

The alcalde mayor wrote to the adelantado, that if he
desired anything else, to let him know, as he was re-
turning to Mexico where I was; and the adelantado sent
a messenger to say that he had not been able to get ready
to sail, as six ships were wanting, and those which re-
mained were not seaworthy, and that he was preparing
a statement which would prove to me how impossible it
was for him to leave the country. He told him at the
same time that his people raised a thousand objections,
pretending that they were not obliged to follow him, and
that they had appealed from the commands which my
alcalde mayor had given them, saying they were not
obliged to comply with them for sixteen or seventeen
reasons which they assigned; one of them was that some
of his people had already died of starvation, and other
not very weighty reasons touching his own person. He
likewise stated that all his precautions to keep his men
together were useless, as they disappeared in the evening
without coming back next morning, and those who were
one day delivered to him as prisoners again deserted
the next day when they got their liberty ; and it had hap-
pened that between night and morning two hundred men
had left. For this reason, the adelantado besought my
alcalde mayor most earnestly not to leave until they had
seen each other, because he wished to come with him
to this city to see me, and said that, if the alcalde mayor
left him thus he would drown himself in despair. After
receiving this letter the alcalde mayor decided to wait
for him, and, two days later, when he arrived, they sent
a messenger to me, by whom the alcalde made known to
me that the adelantado was coming to see me in this city,
and that they would come slowly as far as Cicoaque,
which is on the border of this province, where they would
await my answer. The adelantado also wrote me,
describing the bad condition of his ships and the ill-will
his people displayed, and said that he believed I might

1 88 Letters of Cortes

find a remedy by providing some of my people and what-
ever else he might need; for he was aware that nobody
else could help him and hence he had decided to come
to see me: and that he offered me his eldest son with
all he possessed, hoping to leave him with me as my
son-in-law by marriage with a small daughter of mine.

Meanwhile, when they were about starting for this
city, it being clear to the alcalde mayor that some very
Concerning suspicious persons had come in the armada
Francisco of Francisco de Garay, friends and servants
de Garay 0f Diego Velasquez, who had shown themselves
hostile to my undertakings, and, being aware that they
could not safely remain in the said province, without
stirring up tumults and disturbances, he ordered, by virtue
of the royal provisions Your Majesty sent me authorising
me to expel all such scandalous persons from the country,
that Gonzalo Figueroa, Alonzo de Mendoza, Antonio de la
Cerda, Juan de Avila, Lorenzo de Ulloa, Taborda, Juan
de Grijalba, Juan de Medina, and others, should leave.
After this was done, the adelantado and the alcalde mayor
came as far as the town of Cicoaque, where they received
my answer to the letters they had sent me in which I wrote
that I rejoiced much at the arrival of the adelantado, and
that, on reaching this city, we would come to an amicable
understanding about all he had written to me, with
which he would be fully satisfied. I had likewise ordered
the chiefs of the towns along the road to provide him
fully with everything necessary.

When the adelantado arrived here, I received him
with every hospitality such as I would have shown
for my brother, for I was sincerely grieved at the loss
of his ships and at the rebellion of his people, and I
offered him my services, truly desiring to do everything
possible for him. He wished very much to carry out the
plan he had written me about the marriage, and again
importuned me so persistently, that, in order to please

Fourth Letter 189

him, I agreed to everything he asked. So, with mutula
consent, a binding agreement was made, under oath,
leading to the consummation of the said marriage, on
condition that Your Majesty, after learning the contents
of our agreement, should approve of it; thus, besides
our ancient friendship, we were joined by the mutual
contracts and engagements which we made for our chil-
dren, and were both satisfied with the conditions thereof,
especially the adelantado.

In the preceding chapter, Most Powerful Lord, I told
Your Catholic Majesty of all my alcalde mayor had done
to collect the adelantado's men, who were scattered over
the country, and the steps he had taken for this purpose,
which, in spite of their being so many, were not sufficient
to calm the dissatisfaction felt against Francisco de
Gar ay; for they feared they would, in accordance with
the orders published by the public crier, be forced to
accompany him. The deserters had penetrated to the
interior of the country in bands of three and six together,
in different places, so that they could not be captured.
This led to much disturbance amongst the Indians, who
saw the Spaniards scattered over the country, and the
many disorders, which they aroused by seizing the native
women and supplies, and to a general rising of the
whole country ; for the natives believed what the adelan-
tado had published on his arrival, namely: that there
existed dissension among the different commanders, as
I have already related to Your Majesty. Thus, the In-
dians astutely got information as to where those several
Spaniards were, and, both by day and night, they would
fall upon them in the towns where they were scattered
and, taking them unawares and disarmed, they easily
killed a good number of them. Their boldness grew to
such a pitch that they came to Santistevan del Puerto,
which I had settled in the name of Your Majesty, where
they pressed the inhabitants very hard with their fierce

190 Letters of Cortes

attacks, so much so that the latter gave themselves up
for lost, as indeed they would have been had they not
been prepared and collected where they could fortify
themselves and withstand their adversaries. When
things were in this state, I received news of what had
happened by a messenger, who had escaped on foot from
the contests and told me that all the province of Panuco
had rebelled and had killed many of the adelantado's
Spaniards who had remained there, and also some
householders of the town I had established there in the
name of Your Majesty; and, from his account, I fear
that none of the Spaniards survive, for which God our
Lord knows what I suffer ! No such occurrence can
happen in these parts without costing much and risking
the loss of all. The adelantado was much impressed
by this news, not only because it seemed to him that he
was the cause of it, but also because he had left his son
in that province with all his possessions; so much so
indeed, that his chagrin brought on an illness from which
he died within the space and term of three days.

That Your Highness may be better informed of what
occurred, I relate that the Spaniard, who first brought
Rebellion the news of the rising of the natives of Panuco,
in Panuco told me that he, a foot soldier, and three
horsemen, had been surprised by the Indians in a village
called Tacetuco * ; that these Indians had killed the foot
soldier, two of the horsemen, and the horse of the third,
and that he and the surviving horseman had fled under
cover of night ; they had observed a house in the village
where a lieutenant, fifteen horsemen, and forty foot soldiers
should have waited for them, but the house was burned

^anjuco: a small village, one hundred and twenty-seven miles
from the mouth of the Panuco, and less than half that distance over-
land. The Panuco country was carefully visited and described, in
1826, by Captain Lyon, whose Journal contains much interesting
information about the land and people. He found the Guasteca
language was spoken there.

Fourth Letter 191

and he believed, according to certain indications, that
these men had been massacred. I had waited six or seven
days for any other news when a messenger arrived from
the lieutenant in a town, called Tenertequipa, * which is
subject to this city and is on the boundaries of that
province; by his letter he made known to me that, while
he was in Tacetuco with fifteen horsemen and forty foot
soldiers expecting some people to join him preparatory
to crossing the river to pacify certain towns, his quarters
had been surrounded just before dawn, one night, by a
great number of people who set fire to them. Though
he and his men had mounted very quickly they had been
taken off their guard for they had believed in the friend-
ship of those people; and he thinks all were killed but
himself and two other horsemen who had escaped; his
own horse had been killed and one of his men had to take
him up behind him. Two leagues from there, they met
the alcalde of that town who came to their assistance
with some people, but they did not tarry long and left
the province as quickly as possible. He had, however,
no news, either of those who had stayed in the town, or
of the men of Francisco de Garay, but he believed there
was not one left alive.

As I have told Your Majesty, after the adelantado had
proclaimed to the natives throughout the province that
I was no longer to have anything to do with them,
since he was the Governor whom they must obey,
and that by uniting with him they would expel all my
Spaniards, the town had revolted, and the natives re-
fused afterwards to serve the Spaniards, even killing
some whom they met alone on the roads. The lieutenant
believed that what had been done was by concerted action
of all the Indians and, as they had attacked him and
his people, that they must have done the same to the
inhabitants of the town, as well as to those who were

» Possibly Tantoyuca.

192 Letters of Cortes

scattered amongst the neighbouring villages, all of whom
were ignorant of any such revolt, seeing that the natives
had, until then, served them willingly. Having satis-
fied myself by this news that a rebellion existed in that pro-
vince, and having heard of the death of those Spaniards,
I sent, with the greatest possible haste, a Spanish captain
in command of fifty horsemen and one hundred foot
soldiers, crossbowmen and musketeers, with four pieces of
artillery, much powder, and ammunition, and two native
chiefs of this city each with fifteen thousand of their
warriors. I ordered the captain to march without stop-
ping anywhere to the town of Santistevan del Puerto to
obtain news of the inhabitants there, as perhaps they had
been besieged ; and if so, to help them. This was done
with all haste, and, after entering the province, the cap-
tain fought the Indians at two places; and God, our Lord,
having given him the victory, he continued his march
to the said town, where he found twenty- two horsemen
and one hundred foot soldiers who had been besieged there.
They had defended themselves with certain pieces of
artillery against six or seven attacks, although they could
not have held out much longer as it had been done only
with the greatest difficulty; and had the captain I sent
been delayed three days more not one of them would have
been left alive, for they were already dying of hunger.
They had sent one of the adelant ado's brigan tines to Vera
Cruz to let me know their condition by that way (as they
could not send news by any other messenger) and also to
bring them provisions, which afterwards was done, al-
though they had already been succoured by my people.
My captain there learned that Francisco de Garay's people,
left in a town, called Tamequil, ! in all about a hundred
foot soldiers and horsemen, had been killed, without one
escaping, with the exception of an Indian from the island
of Jamaica. He managed to escape through the forest,

1 Possibly Tamuy or Tancanhuici.

Fourth Letter 193

and from him the news of how they were attacked at
night was obtained. It was ascertained that two hundred
and ten men of the adelantado's people had been killed,
and also forty-three of the inhabitants I had left in that
town, who were going about their villages which they
held under encomienda1 ; it was even believed that the
adelantado's people were more numerous, though they
could not remember them all. There were altogether,
including those whom the captain had taken with
him and the lieutenants and the alcalde's people
and the inhabitants, eighty horsemen who were
divided into three companies. During the war they
carried on in the province, they captured about four
hundred chiefs and notable persons, besides others of
lower class, all of whom — I speak of the chiefs — were
burned,2 having confessed that they had instigated the
war and that each had participated in the killing of Span-
iards; the other persons were then liberated, and, through
them, the people were brought back to the towns. The
captain then appointed, in Your Majesty's name, new
chiefs from among the rightful heirs, according to their
laws of inheritance. At that time I received letters from
the captain and other persons who were with him assuring
me that — God be praised — the whole province was en-
tirely pacified and subdued, the natives serving them
faithfully; and I believe the past ill-feeling will be
forgotten and there will be peace for the whole year.
Your Caesarian Majesty may believe that these people
are so turbulent that any novelty or preparation for
disturbance excites them, for they have been used to

1 See Appendix at the close of this Letter.

2 Some authors have sought to cast doubts upon the number
burned, Herrera even reducing them to thirty, but the language of
Cortes seems to be sufficiently explicit. To drive the lesson well home,
the Indians were all assembled to witness this frightful execution of
their relatives. Gonzalo de Sandoval was the Captain commanding
in this war, and it is with reluctance that we record this black deed
against his otherwise exceptionally fair fame.

VOL. II — 13

194 Letters of Cortes

rebelling against their chiefs and never lost an occasion
to do this.

In the past chapters, Very Catholic Lord, I said that,
when I heard of the adelantado's arrival at Panuco, I had
Expedition prepared a certain armada of ships and people to
to send to the Cape of Hibueras, and gave the rea-

Honduras son ^^ m0Ved me to do this; and that the
arrival of the said adelantado had caused me to suspend
things, believing that he was endeavouring to take pos-
session of this country by his authority, and in order to
resist any such attempt I needed all my people. Having
terminated the affairs of the adelantado, although a great
outlay for the payment of seamen and provisions for the
ships and people was necessary, it seemed to me that
Your Majesty's service required that I should fulfil the
intention I had conceived; so I bought five more large
ships and a brigantine, and gathered four hundred men,
with artillery, ammunitions, arms, and other provisions
and stores. I sent two of my agents to the island of
Cuba with eight thousand pesos of gold to buy horses
and provisions, not only for this first voyage, but also
to have them in readiness for the return of the ships,
so that there would be no excuse for not following my
orders; and I also did this to avoid demanding provisions
from the natives of the country, for it was better to give
to them rather than to take from them. They departed,
with these instructions, from the port of San Juan de
Chalchiqueca on the nth of January, 1524, being obliged
to go first to Havana, which is the point of the island
of Cuba where they are to get what they require, es-
pecially the horses, and to assemble the ships there from
whence — with God's blessing — they will continue their
route to Hibueras.1 Upon their arrival at the first

1 Olid's expedition left Vera Cruz on January zz, 1524, and
stopped first at Cuba, where the commander fell under the influence
of Diego Velasquez, who incited him to throw off the authority of
Cortes and act independently. The first news of his insubordination

Fourth Letter 195

port, they are to land the people, horses, and provisions,
and fortify themselves, with their artillery — of which
they take plenty — in the best position they can choose,
and there establish a settlement; three of the largest
ships are then to go to Cuba, to the port of Trinidad,
because that is the best place and because one of my
agents has everything in readiness there which the com-
mander of the expedition may require. The other smaller
ships and the brigantine, with the chief pilot — who is a
cousin of mine called Diego Hurtado — in command, are
to cruise along the coast of the Ascension Bay, searching
for the strait which is believed to be there, and, after
discovering everything about it, are to return to wherever
Captain Cristobal de Olid may be, sending me one of the
ships with an account of what they have discovered so
that I may make a complete report of all that has been
done to Your Catholic Majesty.

I also said that I had prepared certain people to go with

was brought to Cortes by the factor, Gonzalo de Salazar, and led to
his sending his kinsman, Francisco de las Casas, to recall Olid to his
obedience. Olid had sent a part of his forces against Gonzalo de
Avila, who was also exploring in that country, and, upon Las Casas's
arrival, he temporised, seeing that he could not successfully resist;
and while thus gaining time, he sent hurriedly to recall his men. A
violent storm drove the ships of Las Casas on the coast, and thus he
and his men were easily captured, and, at the same time, Gonzalo
de Avila was likewise taken, so Olid's star was in the ascendant.
His triumph was short lived, however, for he had rendered himself
very unpopular in the colony, of which fact his prisoners, who had
complete liberty to go about, with the sole restriction that they were
not to carry arms, took advantage to plan a successful rebellion against
him. He was captured, and, after a summary trial, was beheaded in
the public square of Naco. The Audiencia of San Domingo had
sought to forestall these conflicts amongst Spaniards, by sending their
agent, the bachelor Moreno, to order Las Casas back to Vera Cruz, to
put an end to the contests between Olid and Avila, and to stop Pedro
de Alvarado, who was marching overland against Olid by order of
Cortes. Moreno's proceedings, and those of his companion Ruano, are
recounted in the memorial read by the colonists to Cortes, which the
latter transcribes in the Fifth Letter for the Emperor's information.

196 Letters of Cortes

Pedro de Alvarado to those cities of Uclatan 1 and Guate-
mala which I have mentioned in preceding chapters,
Expedition and to other provinces of which I have heard
to beyond them, and also how this had been inter

Tehuantepec j^pted by the arrival of Francisco de Garay.
Although I had already incurred great expenses for horses
and horsemen, artillery and ammunition, as well as for
money advanced to help the people, I believed this to be
for the service of God, our Lord, and Your Sacred Majesty,
and, according to the accounts of those parts which I had
received, I expected to discover many new and rich lands
and strange inhabitants, so I reverted to my original
intention. In addition to what I had already provided
for the last expedition, I again fitted out Pedro de
Alvarado, and despatched him from this city on the 6th
of December, 1523, and he took one hundred and twenty
horsemen, so that with his relays, he had one hundred
and seventy horses and three hundred foot soldiers of
which latter one hundred and thirty were crossbowmen
and musketeers ; he also took four field pieces of artillery,
with plenty of powder and ammunition, and he was ac-
companied by some chiefs, both of this city and from
its neighbourhood, who brought some people with them,
though not very many, as the journey was so long.

I have heard that they arrived in the province
of Tecuantepeque on the 12th of January, and that
everything was going well. May it please our Lord to
guide them and the others, for I readily believe that,
acting in His service and in the Royal name of Your
Caesarian Majesty, great success will not be wanting.

I also recommended Pedro de Alvarado always to
take special care to send me a complete account of every-
thing that happens to him so that I may report to Your
Highness. I am positive from the reports I have had
about that country that Pedro de Alvarado and Cristobal

1 Ucatlan.

Fourth Letter 197

de Olid will meet each other if they are not separated
by the strait.

I would have undertaken many of these expeditions
and discovered many of the secrets of this country had
I not been hindered by the armadas which have
arrived here. I assure Your Sacred Majesty against the
that your service has been much injured, Zapotecas
not only because countries have not been and

discovered, but because much great wealth in
gold and pearls has not been procured for Your Royal
Treasury. Hereafter, however, if others do not come,
I shall strive to recover what has been lost, because
nothing which depends upon my efforts shall be left
undone; for I certify to Your Caesarian and Sacred Ma-
jesty that, besides having spent all that I possessed, I
owe money, which I have taken from the funds of Your
Majesty for my expenses, amounting, as Your Majesty
may see from my accounts, to sixty thousand pesos of
gold, besides another twelve thousand which I borrowed
from various persons for my household expenses.

I said in the foregoing chapter that some of the natives
of neighbouring provinces who were near about, and who
served the inhabitants of the town of Espiritu Santo, had
revolted and killed certain Spaniards, and that, both
for the purpose of reducing them to the royal service of
Your Majesty, as well as for winning over others of their
neighbours, as the people of the town are not strong
enough to hold what has been won and conquered, I
sent a captain with thirty horsemen and one hundred
foot soldiers, some of them crossbowmen and musketeers,
together with two field pieces and provisions and ammun-
ition and powder. He left on the 8th of December, 1523.
I have thus far had no news of them, but expect to obtain
good results from this expedition for the service of God,
our Lord, and Your Majesty, and hope that they will
discover many secrets in that country, which is a

i98 Letters of Cortes

small territory lying between the one conquered by
Pedro de Alvarado and the other by Cristobal de Olid.
Including this small bit, the land conquered along the
North Sea comprises a territory of more than four hundred
leagues which is now subject to Your Majesty, and on the
southern coast the conquered country extends from one
sea to the other, without interruption, for more than five
hundred leagues, with the exception of two provinces,
one of which is called Zaputecas and the other Mixes,
which lie between the province of Tecuantepeque and
that of Chinanta and Guaxaca and that of Guazaqualco.
The mountains here are rugged and difficult, so that they
can hardly be crossed, even on foot, for twice I have
sent people to conquer them but they have never been
able to do anything against these Indians, who are well
armed and entrenched in their mountains. They fight
with lances twenty-five and thirty palms long, very
thick, and well made, with points of flint,1 and they
have defended themselves with these and killed some
Spaniards, and have done, and are doing, great mischief
to their neighbours who are Your Majesty's vassals,
assaulting them by night and burning their towns and
killing them; to such an extent have they done this that
many towns have rebelled and joined with them. To
prevent this spreading, although I am at present short
of men, I collected one hundred and fifty foot soldiers —
the cavalry being useless — most of them crossbowmen
and musketeers, and four field pieces with necessary
ammunition. This force I put under the command of
Rodrigo Rangel, alcalde of Espiritu Santo, who, last year,
had already marched against these same Indians but
could not rout them on account of the rainy season which
obliged him to return after two months spent in their
province.

i Obsidian: a vitreous mineral substance, harder than glass, which
was called iztli by the Aztecs. They gave it such a keen edge that
it served for knives and razors as well as spearheads.

Fourth Letter 199

He left this city with his people on the 5 th of February
of this present year, and I believe that — God willing —
since they take a good equipment and go at a good season
with many skilful Indian warriors of this city and its
neighbourhood, they will put an end to the strife there,
which will redound greatly to the Imperial Crown of Your
Majesty; for not only do these people render no service
but they molest those who are well disposed. The coun-
try is very rich in gold mines, and, once these people are
pacified, our settlers say that they will get possession of
them and reduce to slavery those people, who had once
offered themselves to Your Majesty, and had afterwards
rebelled and had killed the Spaniards, and done every
mischief. I ordered that those who were captured
should be branded with Your Highness 's mark, and, after
separating the part belonging to Your Majesty, that the
rest should be distributed amongst the members of the
expedition.

Most Excellent Lord, I may assure Your Royal Ex-
cellency that the least of these expeditions cost me more
than five thousand pesos of gold, and those of Pedro de
Alvarado and Cristobal de Olid cost more than fifty
thousand pesos in monies, besides other outlays from my
property which are not accounted or set down in the
memoranda; but if it will only conduce to the service
of Your Caesarian Majesty, although it should cost my
own life I would deem it sufficient recompense to ever
devote myself to the service of Your Highness.

In the last account, and also in this, I have mentioned to
Your Majesty that I had begun to build four ships on the
South Sea, and, as some time has passed since ship-

they were begun, it may seem to Your Royal building
Highness that I have been slow in finishing them; but I
now give Your Sacred Majesty the cause, which is that the
port on the South Sea where these ships are building, is two
hundred leagues, and even more, from the ports on the

200 Letters of Cortes

North Sea where all material which arrives in this New Spain
is delivered, and there are very steep mountain passes in
some parts, and in others great rivers, over which every-
thing required for the said ships must be carried, as
nothing can be obtained elsewhere. Another thing also
happened, which was that when I had got together the
sails, cordage, nails, anchors, tar, tallow, tow, bitumen,
oil, and everything else required, and stored them in a
house in that port, it took fire and everything was burned,
except the anchors, which could not burn. I have now
again begun, as a ship arrived from Castile, four months
since, bringing me everything necessary for the ships;
as, foreseeing the possibility of what had happened, I
had already ordered material to be sent. And I certify
to Your Caesarian Majesty that the ships cost me to-day,
before launching them on the water, more than eight
thousand pesos of gold, without the extra outlays, but
now — our Lord be praised — they are in such a condition
that, between the Feast of the Holy Ghost and that of
St. John in June, they will be ready for navigation if
the tar does not fail me, for I have not been able to
replace that which was burned, though I have ordered
more to be sent me. I attach more importance to these
ships than I can say, for I am positive that — God willing
— I shall discover for Your Majesty more kingdoms and
dominions than all those discovered up till now, and
that, with His guidance, my projects may succeed ac-
cording to my desires, and Your Highness will become
the Sovereign of the World.

After God our Lord granted that this great city of
Temixtitan should be subdued, it did not seem to me well
to live in it, for many reasons, so I brought all the people
to a town, called Coyuacan, on the shore of the lake which
I have already mentioned. As I always desired that
this city should be rebuilt, because of its great and mar-
vellous position, I strove to collect the natives, who,

Fourth Letter 201

since the war, were scattered in many parts, and, though
I still held the ruler of it a prisoner, I charged a captain-
general of his, whom I knew in the days of Montezuma,
to repeople it; and, in order that he might enjoy greater
authority, I gave him the same office he had held in the
time of his sovereign, which is that of Ciguacoat, meaning
"lieutenant of the sovereign," and, at the same time, I
appointed other personages whom I knew to the principal
offices which they had formerly held. I gave these new
officers such lordships of territory and people as were
necessary to maintain themselves, though not as much
as they had before, or enough to make them dangerous;
and I always take care to honour and favour them. They
have done very well, so that now the city is peopled with
about thirty thousand households, and is just as orderly
in the market-places as it formerly was ; moreover I have
given them such liberties and immunities that they will
increase in great numbers ; for they live quite as they please
and many artisans live by their work among the Span-
iards, such as carpenters, masons, stone-cutters, silver-
smiths, and others. Merchants trade in safety, and others
live as fishermen, which is an important business in this
city, and others by agriculture, for there are already
many who have their plantations sown with all kinds of
vegetables which we have obtained from Spain. I assure
Your Caesarian Majesty that, could we but obtain plants
and seeds from Spain, and if Your Highness would be
pleased to order them sent to us as I besought in my
other account, the ability of these natives in culti-
vating the soil and making plantations would very
shortly produce such abundance that great profit
would accrue to the Imperial Crown of Your Highness;
for even greater revenues can be procured for Your
Sacred Majesty in these parts than what Your High-
ness now enjoys in those you possess in the name
of God our Lord. Your Highness may rest assured

202 Letters of Cortes

that I shall strive with all my mind and power to
achieve this end.

Immediately after the capture of this city, I took steps to
establish a fort in the water where the brigantines might be
Fortification kept safely, and from where I might control the
of Mexico whole city should there be any occasion for it,
and the exit and entrance remain in my hands. It was con-
structed in such wise that, although I have seen some forts
and arsenals, I have seen none that equals it, and many
others affirm the same as myself; and it has been built
in this wise: on the side towards the lake, it has two
very strong towers, provided with loop-holes : these two
towers are joined by a building in the form of three naves,
where brigantines are kept, and which have doors towards
the water for going in and out; and all this building is
provided also with loop-holes, and on the end towards the
city there is another large tower, with many rooms above
and below for offensive and defensive operations. But,
as I shall send a plan to Your Majesty to make this more
clearly understood, I shall give no more particulars
about it, but, holding these with the ships and artillery,
peace or war is in our hands as we choose. Once this
building was finished, everything seemed secure for re-
peopling the city, so I returned there with all my people,
and distributed plots of ground to the householders;
and to each of those who had been conquerors I gave, in
the name of Your Highness, a plot of ground in recom-
pense for their services, besides the one they received as
citizens. 1 And so well and quickly does work go on in
these parts, that many of the houses are finished and
others are well advanced, for there is an abundance of
stone, lime, wood, and bricks which the natives make,

1 Tlatelolco and Popotla were the quarters of the new town assigned
to the Indians. A plan was drawn in which each concession of ground
was marked; one lot was given to anyone who applied, on the condition
that he should build a house and live there for four consecutive years.
Each of the conquerors, as Cortes says, was entitled to two lots.

Fourth Letter 203

so that the houses are mostly large and good, and Your
Sacred Majesty may believe that, within five years, this
will be the most nobly populated city which exists in
all the civilised world, and will have the finest buildings.

The town where the Spaniards have settled is distinct
from that of the natives, for an arm of water separates
us, although there are bridges of wood which connect
them. There are two great native markets, one in
their quarter and one in the Spanish quarter, l where
every sort of provisions can be bought; for the people
come from all over the country to sell, and there is no
scarcity as sometimes happened in the days of its pros-
perity. It is true that now there are no jewels of gold,
silver, or feather work and other rich things, as there used
to be, although some small miserable pieces of gold and
silver appear, but not as formerly.

Owing to Diego Velasquez's ill-will towards me, and
that of Don Juan de Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos, who
is influenced by him, and in consequence of the orders
of the officials of the Casa de la Contratacion of Seville,
particularly Juan Lopez de Recalde, accountant of it,
on whom everything in the time of the Bishop used to
depend, I have not been provided with the artillery nor
the arms which I needed, though I have many times sent
the money for them. However, as nothing exercises a
man's ingenuity like necessity, and as I laboured under

1 The Indian market remained where it had been in Tlatelolco ;
the Spanish one was on the square before the Viceroy's palace.

The Indians either speedily forgot their arts and handicrafts, or
concealed them: unwise laws were enacted which tended also to
suppress them.

Archbishop Lorenzana relates an incident illustrating the extra-
ordinary ability of the Indians in executing the most delicate work with
primitive tools. A native counterfeiter was arrested and his whole
outfit was found to consist of nothing but some thorns from the maguey
or cactus plant. The Viceroy was so amazed that he offered the man
his life if he would show how he worked, but the Indian preferred to
die.

204 Letters of Cortes

such an extreme one, and, since they did not permit Your
Majesty to know, had no hope of help, I strove to take
steps toward saving what had been won by such labour
and danger (for such a loss would have been a disaster
to the service of God, our Lord and that of Your Caesarian
Majesty) , and also ourselves from the peril which menaced
us. I hastened therefore to find copper in the provinces,
offering a good price that it might be the more quickly
found; and, as soon as it was brought to me in sufficient
quantity, I set a master of artillery, who was fortunately
here, at making two medium-sized culverins. These
came out so well that, considering their size, they could
not have been better. Besides the copper, tin was re-
quired for these, as they could not be made without it,
and, though with great difficulty and cost, I had pro-
cured some from people who had tin plates or other
vessels ; but neither dear nor cheap could much be found,
so I began to enquire whether there was any in the coun-
try. Thanks to our Lord, who always provides speedily
what is most needed, some small pieces of it were found
among the natives of a province, called Tachco, * in the
form of very thin coins; and continuing my search I
discovered that in that province and many others this
was used as money; I further learned that it was mined
in the province of Tachco, twenty-six leagues from this
city so I sent Spaniards with implements there and they
brought me a sample of metal. From this time forward I
ordered the necessary quantity to be extracted, and shall
continue to work these mines, though it will be difficult ;
while searching for these metals a rich vein of iron was
found as I learned from those who say they know it.

Since finding this tin, I have made, and daily continue
to make cannon; so far there are five pieces, two medium-

1 Tasco. Humboldt was struck with this mention of tin money
and notes "le passage remarquable dans lequel Cortes parle de Vetain
comme monnaie" (Essai Politique).

Fourth Letter 205

sized culverins, two a little smaller, and a serpentine
cannon; I have two falconets which I brought with me
to these parts and a medium-sized culverin Manufac-
which I bought from the sale of the adelantado ture of

Juan Ponce de Leon. I shall have in large and Ammunition
small bronzes all those which have arrived on the ships
at Vera Cruz, thirty-five pieces and of iron Lombardy
guns, culverins of smaller calibre, and other guns and
field pieces of smelt iron up to seventy pieces. Thus —
our Lord be praised — we are able to defend ourselves ;
and as far as ammunition is concerned, God provided
for that likewise, for we found a sufficient quantity of
saltpetre of the best quality and vessels in which to bake
it, though there was much waste at first. As for sulphur,
I have spoken to Your Majesty of that mountain in the
province of Mexico which smokes. A Spaniard1 de-
scended by means of a rope, seventy or eighty fathoms,
and obtained a sufficient quantity to last us in our need ;
but henceforward there will be no necessity of going to
this trouble because it is dangerous and I shall always
write to obtain these things from Spain since Your
Majesty has been pleased that there should be no
longer any Bishop to prevent it.

After establishing peace in Santistevan, which was
founded on the river Panuco, and having finished the
conquest of Tututepeque, and despatched the Transfer of
captain who went to Impilcingo and to Coliman, Medellin
all of which I mentioned in one of the past chapters, I went,
before going to the city, to visit Vera Cruz and Medellin
that I might provide certain necessary things in those
ports. I observed that for want of any Spanish settle-
ment near the port of Chalchiqueca other than that of

1 Francisco Montafio was the daring soldier who performed this
exploit, which Humboldt refuses to believe, notwithstanding the
explicit statement of Cortes. That he was let down into the crater,
and did bring back the required sulphur can hardly be questioned:
perhaps the exact distance he descended was not accurately measured.

206 Letters of Cortes

Vera Cruz all the ships arriving there unloaded in that
town : the port is far from being safe, and many ships are
lost there on account of the Northers that frequently blow.
I therefore sought a place nearer the port of San Juan
suitable for founding a town, but, in spite of our efforts,
we found nothing but drifting sandhills, until finally,
after some days' search, it pleased our Lord that, two
leagues from the port, a good site, with all requisites for
establishing a town was found; for there was plenty of
wood and water and pasturage, though there was no
timber nor stone for building purposes except quite far
from there. We found an inlet near this place, and I
sent to see if it led to the sea or if barques might come
up it to the town. It was found to lead to a river which
flowed into the sea; and at the mouth of the river there
was more than a fathom of water, so that by cleaning that
inlet, which is full of trunks of trees, the barques could
ascend to the very houses of the town and unload their
cargoes. Seeing the convenience of this site for the
safety of the ships, I moved thither the town of Medellin,
which was about twenty leagues in the interior of the
province of Tatalptetelco ; and already most of the house-
holders have gone there and built their houses, and steps
have been taken to clear that inlet and establish a custom
house, for although the ships are delayed in discharging,
by means of canoes over a distance of two leagues, they
will have safe anchorage. I am certain that this town
will be second to the capital in New Spain, for already
some ships have unloaded there, and barques and even
brigantines bring their merchandise right up to the houses
of the town. I will endeavour to arrange so that they
may unload without trouble, and the ships will hence-
forward be safe in that good port ; I have likewise hastened
to make roads from that town to this city, so that the
merchandise will be more quickly delivered than at
present and the distance shortened.

Fourth Letter 207

In the past chapters, Most Powerful Lord, I have told
Your Excellency to what points I had sent people, both
by sea and land, believing that, with God's search for
guidance, Your Majesty would be well served the strait
by them ; and, as I always take great care and bethink me of
all possible means to carry out my desires for the advance-
ment of the royal service of Your Majesty, it seemed to me
that it remained only to explore the coast from Panuco to
the coast of Florida, which was discovered by Juan Ponce
de Leon, and from there to follow the coast of Florida
towards the north as far as the Bacallaos. * For it is
believed absolutely that there is a strait on that coast which
leads to the South Sea, and if it should be found according
to a certain drawing which I have of that coast, it must
lead very near to where the Archipelago was discovered
by Magellanes under Your Highness 's commands. And
should it please God, our Lord, that the said strait be
found there, it would open a good and short passage
from the spiceries to these dominions of Your Majesty
quite two-thirds shorter than that which is at present
followed, and which will be free from risks and dangers
to the ships; for they would then always go and come
through the dominions of Your Majesty having facilities
for repairs in any port they choose to enter. I thought
over to myself the great service which would be rendered
to Your Majesty, though I am quite wasted and ex-
hausted by all I have done, and spent in the expeditions

1 Bacallaos. This is the first known project for rinding the north-
west passage. Bacallaos, or the sea of codfish was so-called from
the vast numbers of these fish which have been such an important
article of commerce on our North Atlantic coasts. The Spaniards
reached Newfoundland, called by them Terra Nuova; and Archbishop
Lorenzana mentions in one of his notes that the Marques del Valle
(in his time) bore the title of Duke of Terranuova. This is true,
but has no reference to the discovery of that land by Cortes's efforts,
as the title was created by Philip II., in 1561, and given to Don Carlos
de Aragon, second Marques of Terranuova, who married Dona Stefana,
a great granddaughter of Cortes.

208 Letters of Cortes

I have fitted out by land and sea and in providing
ammunition and artillery in this city, and in many
other expenses and outlays which daily occur; for all
our provisions are expensive and of such excessive prices
that, although the country is rich, the income I obtain
does not correspond to the outlays, costs, and expenses
which I have — yet repeating all I have said before, and
setting all personal interest aside, I have determined to
prepare three caravels and a brigantine, of which the
cost will reach more than ten thousand pesos of gold
which I swear to Your Majesty I shall have to borrow.
I add this new service to those I have already rendered,
for I hold it to be the most important, hoping as I do
to find the strait; and even if this should not be found,
certainly many good and rich countries will be dis-
covered, where Your Caesarian Majesty will be served,
and other dominions in considerable number will be
brought under Your Imperial Crown. If there be no such
strait, then it will be useful that this be known, so that
other means may be discovered by which Your Caesarian
Majesty may draw profits from the Spicelands and other
countries bordering on them. Thus I hold myself at
Your Majesty's service, very happy if you will so com-
mand me, and, in the absence of the strait, I hope to
conquer these countries at less expense than anyone
else; but I pray the Lord, nevertheless, that my armada
may attain the object I pursue, which is to discover the
strait, for that would be the happiest of all results. Of
this I am well convinced, because, to the royal good
fortune of Your Majesty, nothing can be denied, and
diligence and good preparation and zeal will not be
wanting on my part to achieve it.

I likewise expect to send the ships I have built on
the South Sea, which vessels — our Lord being willing —
will sail down the coast at the end of July of this year
1524 in search of the same strait; for if it exists it cannot

Fourth Letter 209

escape both those who go by the South Sea and those
who go by the North; for the South Sea Expedition will
go till they either find it or reach the country discovered
by Magellanes, and those of the North, as I have already
said, until they reach the Bacallaos. Thus on one side
or the other we cannot fail to discover the secret. I
certify to Your Majesty that, judging by my information,
I should have obtained greater returns and rendered
greater service to Your Majesty by sending these ships
to the countries up the coast of the South Sea, but, as I
am informed of Your Majesty's desire to discover this
strait, and of the greater service your royal crown would
thereby receive, I ignore all other profits and interests
to follow this other expedition. May our Lord grant
it as it best pleases Him, and may Your Majesty's desire
be satisfied, and my desire to serve be likewise gratified.

Your Majesty's officials sent to take charge of Your
Royal revenues and assets have arrived, and have begun
to take the accounts of those who previously had this
charge, which I in Your Highness's name had given
them. As these officials will submit the statement which
has been kept until now to show Your Majesty, I will
not speak of it again, in any particular, but refer myself
to their report, believing that it will be one from which
Your Majesty may perceive the solicitude and vigilance
that I have always exercised in everything touching
Your Royal service. Although the occupation of the
wars and the pacification of this country has been so
great, as is manifested by the above, I have nevertheless
not forgotten to take special care to collect and secure
the greatest possible revenues for Your Majesty.

It will appear by the copy of the accounts which the
said officials send to Your Caesarian Majesty that I have
used some sixty-two thousand pesos in gold from Your
Royal revenues in all the necessary expenses of pacifying
these countries and the extension of the dominions Your

VOL. II— 14

210 Letters of Cortes

Majesty holds in them. It is well that Your Highness
should know that I could not do otherwise for I began
to spend these monies only after I had nothing left of
my own to spend, and when I even owed more than
thirty thousand pesos of gold which I had borrowed. As
there was nothing else to be done, and as I could not
otherwise meet the necessary demands of the royal serv-
ice of Your Highness, I was forced to spend these sums;
and I do not believe that the result obtained, and to be
obtained, is very small, for it certainly pays a profit of
one thousand per cent. Although Your Majesty's officials
are satisfied that the amounts have been spent in your
service, they will not enter them in the account, for they
say they have no power to do this. I beseech Your
Majesty to order that it be shown they were properly
spent, and admit them in the account, and also to com-
mand fifty odd thousand pesos of gold which I have
spent out of my own fortune or have borrowed from my
friends to be repaid me for if this is not returned to me I
shall be unable to repay those who loaned me them, and
will find myself in great want. I do not think that Your
Catholic Majesty will permit this, but rather order that
they be paid me, and will grant me many and greater
favours in addition, because, Your Highness being so
Catholic and so Christian a Prince, my own services
are not without merit, to which the fruits they have
produced bear testimony.

I have learned from these officials, and from other
persons who came with them, as well as by letters from
Fate of the Spain, that the articles I sent Your Caesarian
Treasure Majesty by Antonio de Quinones and Alonzo de
Avila, my procurators in New Spain, did not reach Your
Royal presence having been captured by the French l

* This treasure never reached its destination. Alonzo de Avila
and Antonio de Quinones, the two officers charged to carry the gifts
and letters to the Emperor, first stopped at the island of Santa Maria,

Fourth Letter 211

because of the little care which the Casa de Contratacion
at Seville used for their transport from the Azores. All
the objects which were sent were so rich and so strange that
I greatly desired Your Majesty might see them, for, besides
the profit Your Highness would have from them, my ser-
vices would have become more apparent ; and I was much
grieved for their loss. I do rejoice, however, that they
were taken, because Your Majesty has but small need of
them and I will endeavour to send others much richer and
more curious, judging from the information I have about
provinces I have now sent to conquer, and others which
I will conquer when I have people for the purpose. The
French and the other princes to whom those things may
become known will also know through them the reason
why they are subjected to the Imperial Crown of Your
Caesarian Majesty, as, besides many great kingdoms which
Your Highness has in these parts, so far and distant,
from these, I, the humblest of Your vassals, come
rendering such and so many services. In fulfilment of
my offers, I now send by Diego de Soto my servant some
trifles, which were formerly left behind as not worthy
to accompany the others, and some which I have since
then obtained, which, although as I have before said,
they were refused as unworthy, bear some resemblance
to the others. I likewise send a silver culverin, l which
in its smelting required two thousand four hundred and
fifty pounds, in which I believe there was even some gold,

one of the Azores, where Quifiones was killed in a brawl; Avila was
captured off Cape St. Vincent, by a French corsair, Florin, who, after
robbing the ship of the precious freight, allowed it to continue its
voyage to Seville, where it arrived on November 7, 1522. Avila
was carried by Florin to La Rochelle, but found means to send his
despatches to the Emperor. The Aztec spoils went to enrich the
treasury of Francis I. of France, who justified their capture by
saying he knew of no provision in father Adam's will which made his
brother of Spain sole heir to all the earth's treasures.

1 It weighed about twenty-three hundred-weight; the ornamen-

212 Letters of Cortes

for it had to be done twice. It was very costly, as,
besides the value of the metal, which amounted to twenty-
four thousand pesos of gold, the mark of silver being
at five dollars of gold, the cost of founding, engraving,
and carriage to the port, came to more than three
thousand pesos more. I set myself to make it so rich
and so noteworthy and fit to go before such a High and
Most Excellent Prince, that I beg of Your Majesty to
receive my small gift measuring its value by my devotion
and disposition to send greater if I possibly could; for
though I am indebted, as I heretofore stated to Your
Highness, I willingly went deeper into debt, desiring
that Your Majesty might know my zeal, for I have been
made so unhappy by the many contradictions I have suf-
fered before Your Highness that I have never heretofore
had opportunity to manifest this desire.

I likewise send Your Sacred Majesty sixty thousand
pesos of gold, belonging to Your Royal revenues as Your
Highness will see by the account which the officers and
myself send respecting it, and we venture to send this
sum together because we imagine that Your Majesty
must need it on account of the wars and other things,
and also that Your Majesty need not regret the past loss.
Hereafter, every time occasion offers, I shall send to Your
Majesty the most of what I obtain, and Your Sacred
Majesty may believe, as things are being developed, that
these kingdoms and dominions of Your Highness will
provide surer revenues, with less cost than any of your
kingdoms and dominions in Europe; that is, if no other
such embarrassments present themselves as have hereto-

tation executed by the best native silversmiths displayed a phcenix
underneath which was the following inscription :

Aquesta nacid sin par,

Yo en serviros sin segundo:

Vos sin igual en el mundo.
Cavo says this legend provoked much invidious comment at the
Spanish Court.

Fourth Letter 213

fore arisen. I say this because, I learned from Gonzalo de
Salazar, factor to Your Highness, who arrived two days
since, at the port of San Juan in New Spain that he was
informed in the island of Cuba, where he stopped, that
Diego Velasquez, lieutenant of the admiral there, had
had an understanding with Cristobal de Olid, whom I
had sent to Hibueras, to revolt against me in his favour.
This proceeding seemed so contrary to Your Majesty's
service that I am unable to believe it; nevertheless, on
the other hand, knowing that the said Diego Velasquez
has always sought to work me mischief and to disturb
me in every possible way, and even to prevent people from
coming to these parts, I do believe it. In that island
he imprisons those who go there from here, and oppresses
them, taking away their goods, and afterwards bringing
judicial proceedings against them so that they, to obtain
their freedom and escape him, do and say anything he
pleases. I shall inform myself of the truth, and, if I
find it to be thus, I think to send to arrest Diego Velasquez
and deliver him to Your Majesty; because by cutting
the root of these evils — which this man is — all the
branches will decay, and I shall be able to make effectual
the services I have begun and those which I hope to
undertake.

Each time I have written Your Sacred Majesty, I have
told Your Highness of the preparation made for the
conversion to our holy religion of the Indians plans t0
of these parts, and I have since besought Your Convert
Caesarian Majesty to provide religious persons the Indians
of good life and example; but so far very few or almost
none have come. It is positive they would obtain great
fruit, and I have again to recall it to Your Highness's
memory, beseeching you to order some provision in this
with all possible haste, because God, our Lord, will be
much pleased, and Your Majesty's desire as a Catholic in
this matter will be gratified. The procurators Antonio

214 Letters of Cortes

Quinones and Alonzo de Avila, counsellors of the towns
of New Spain, and myself, begged Your Majesty to send
us bishops and other prelates to administer the offices
and divine cult, for it then appeared to us that this was
necessary, but, examining the matter more fully, it now
seems to me Your Sacred Majesty should order other
measures to be provided for the more speedy conversion
of the natives, and that they may be better instructed in
the mysteries of our holy faith. This would be as follows :
Your Majesty should order many religious men to come
to these parts, as I have already said, who would be
zealous for the conversion of infidels; houses and mon-
asteries would be provided for them in the provinces
which we would indicate, and a tithe of one tenth
may be levied for their support; the surplus would be
assigned for the churches and their furnishings in the
towns where Spaniards live, and to their clergy. The
tithes would be collected by Your Majesty's officials
who would keep account of them and provide all such
monasteries and churches with necessaries; the amount
will be enough and more than enough so that Your
Majesty may receive the surplus. Let Your Highness
beseech His Holiness to concede Your Majesty the tithes
in these parts for this purpose, making him understand the
service rendered to God, our Lord; and this can only be
obtained in this way, because, if we have the bishops and
other prelates, they will follow the customs, which as
a punishment for our sins exist to-day, of disposing of
the gifts of the Church and wasting them in pomps and
other vices, leaving family estates for their children. l

1 Archbishop Lorenzana agrees with other authorities that there
were bishops and canons in Spain who led far from exemplary lives,
but says this state of things was fortunately brought to a close by
the disciplinary enactments of the Council of Trent. Cortes also ob-
jected to doctors, and more especially to lawyers; he earnestly begged
the Emperor to forbid members of these learned professions to come
to Mexico, saying that the doctors would only bring new diseases

Fourth Letter 215

A still worse evil might happen, for the natives of
these parts had, in their times, those who conducted
their rites and ceremonies who were so strict not only in
composure and honesty, but also in chastity, that if one
was discovered violating his vows he was punished with
death; if they now saw the servants of God's Church in
the power of Mammon, practising vanities, and learned
that they were ministers of God, and beheld them falling
into vice, as is the case in our times in Spain, it would
bring our Faith into contempt and the natives would
hold it as a mockery; and this would do such mischief
that I do not believe any amount of preaching would be
of any avail. As this is of such importance, and the
principal object of Your Majesty is, and should be, the
conversion of these people, those who reside here in Your
Royal name should behave as becomes Christians. I
have wished to give this information and my opinion
which I pray Your Highness to accept as coming from
your subject and vassal, who has worked with all his vital
powers, and will ever strive to extend Your Majesty's
kingdoms and dominions in these parts and to publish
Your Royal fame and great power among these people:
and who likewise desires and will strive that Your
Highness may sow amongst them our Holy Faith merit-
ing thereby the eternal reward to everlasting life. As
the giving of holy orders, the consecration of churches,
ornaments, oils and chrism, and other functions require
a bishop, and, we not having any, it would be difficult
to seek them elsewhere, Your Majesty should likewise
beseech His Holiness to grant such powers to two prin-
cipal persons amongst the religious men coming here,
who might be as special delegates, one from the Order of

with them, while failing to cure the old ones, and the lawyers would
flourish by augmenting the contentions and dissensions, which, though
already too frequent, the colonists managed to settle amicably amongst
themselves.

216 Letters of Cortes

St. Francis, and the other from the Order of St. Dominic.
They should bring the most extensive powers Your
Majesty can obtain, because these countries are so
distant from the Roman Church, and the Christians who
actually live here and will hereafter reside here are so
far from religious discipline and, as human beings, sub-
ject to sin, that His Holiness should grant to these re-
ligious men very ample powers to be handed down by
persons who always reside here, be it either to one General
or to a Provincial of each Order in this country. *

The tithes farmed in these countries have been farmed in
some of the towns, and in others they are offered by public
crier; they have been farmed since the year 1523 until
now, for before then it did not seem to me that they
should be levied, as they were insignificant in themselves,
and because at that time those who had land spent more
in keeping themselves during the war than their profits
amounted to. Whatever else Your Majesty may com-
mand for your services will be done.

The tithes of this city for the year 1523 and 1524 were
adjudged to the highest bidder for five thousand five
hundred and fifty pesos of gold, and those of the towns
of Medellin and Vera Cruz are estimated at one thousand
pesos of gold. For the present year they are not yet
adjudged, and I believe they will go still higher; I do
not know how much the other towns brought, as they
are distant and I have as yet no information. This money
will be used to build churches, pay priests and sacris-
tans, providing the ornaments and other necessary things
for their upkeep. The different accounts will be sub-
mitted to the treasurer and the accountant of Your

1 Charles V. acted on this suggestion, and the Pope, at his in-
stance, gave to Padre Toribio de Benevente (Motolinia) power to give
confirmation, but not to consecrate holy oils. The first superior
of Franciscans was Friar Martin de Valencia, and of the Dominicans,
Friar Vetanzos, who built the first convent near Texcoco, at a place
called Tepetlaxtoc (Lorenzana, Relation Quarta, note).

Fourth Letter 217

Majesty, for everything will be paid to the treasurer and
nothing expended without an order from the accountant
or myself.

I have likewise, most Catholic Lord, been informed by
ships from the island that Your Majesty's judges and
officials living in the island of Hispaniola have Trade

ordered a prohibition to be published by the Relations
public crier against exporting, under pain of death, any
mares or other breeding animals to New Spain ; and they
have done this with the intention of forcing us always to
buy beasts and cattle from them which they sell at excessive
prices. This they should not do, and the mischief done to
Your Majesty is notorious, for the peopling and pacification
of this country are retarded ; they know our need of horses,
and have forbidden their exportation out of excessive love
of gain, for it is clear that no need of their port has pro-
voked this measure. I beg Your Majesty that it be re-
voked, by sending an injunction under Your Royal hand
that everyone may export mares without being exposed
to any penalty, for, besides that they would not miss
the horses, Your Majesty has the greatest interest that
we should have all we require, as we cannot otherwise
continue our conquest, nor preserve what we have already
conquered ; moreover, I would pay very liberally for these
mares. In any case, I could revenge myself in such a
manner that they would gladly revoke their mandates
and edicts, for, by retaliating and prohibiting all products
of these islands from entering this country, save only what
they had forbidden, they would gladly allow the one in
order to be allowed the other.1 Their only resource is
in trading with this country, and, heretofore, a thousand
pesos of gold could not be found amongst all the house-
holders of the island, while now they have more than they
ever had at any time. Rather than give occasion to evil
speakers and maligners, I have dissembled until I could

1 Pan-American reciprocity in embryo.

218 Letters of Cortes

make it known to Your Majesty, so that Your Highness
might order whatever seems required for Your Royal
service.

I have also explained to Your Caesarian Majesty the
need for plants of all kinds ; for every species of agriculture
may flourish here; but nothing has been so far provided,
and I again pray Your Majesty to order a provision from
the Casa de la Contratacion at Seville, so that no ship
be allowed to sail without bringing a certain number of
plants which would favour the population and prosperity
of the country.

I seek by every possible means to increase the popula-
tion of these countries, that the Spanish settlers and
natives of them should preserve themselves and propo-
gate, and that our Holy Faith be built up in every respect.
As Your Majesty has done me the favour to charge me
with its government, and God, our Lord, has pleased to
make me the medium of bringing it under the imperial
yoke of Your Highness, therefore I order certain
ordinances to be published, of which I send a copy to
Your Majesty, and hence need not explain, except to say
that in my judgment, it is necessary that these ordin-
ances should be obeyed.1 The Spaniards here are

1 Some of the enactments of Cortes were as strict as any Puritan
could prescribe. Married colonists were obliged to bring their wives
to their plantations within eighteen months, under pain of forfeiting
their grant: those who were unmarried were given the same period
within which to ,find wives (Gomara, Hist. Mex. Ordenanzas Mun-
icipales apud Pacheco and Cardenas) .

Sumptuary laws regulated the wearing of velvets, silks, and brocades,
or their use for saddles, shoes, and sword-belts, as well as jewels, gold
ornaments, and embroideries (Herrera, Hist. General, Dec, III lib. 5 ;
Puya, Cedulario).

Sunday observance was very rigid, and all shops were closed; trades
of every kind were suspended during the hours of religious services,
while attendance at mass was compulsory on Sundays and great feast
days (Pacheco and Cardenas). The incident of Cortes submitting
to a public whipping for failing to attend, is related in the Biographical
Note.

Fourth Letter 2ig

not satisfied with some of them, especially those which
require them to settle in the country, for all, or most of
them, expected to conduct themselves here as they have
done in the islands ; where their conduct consisted in con-
suming the country's substance, destroying, and afterwards
abandoning it. But, as it seems to me, we who have had
experience in the past, would be blamable, did we not pro-
vide a remedy for the present and the future, correcting
notorious abuses which caused ills on the said islands;
especially as this country being, as I have already many
times written to Your Majesty, of such size and wealth,
where our Lord may be well served, and the royal revenues
of Your Majesty increased. I, therefore, beseech Your
Majesty to have the ordinances examined, and to send
me an order respecting what Your Highness may approve,
directing me what to do, not only concerning the com-
pliance with the said ordinances, but also in how far
Your Majesty desires their execution. I shall always
be careful to add whatever circumstances may seem to
me to require, for the country is so large, the climate so
diverse, and there are so many new discoveries, that
it is necessary to modify plans and counsels according
to new events, so that if in anything I had said, or
shall hereafter say to Your Majesty, there seems to be
something contradictory to what I had said before,
Your Excellency may believe that the new case obliges
me to give a new opinion.

Most invincible Caesar, may God, our Lord, guide,

Gambling was the hardest vice to control, and Cortes's enemies were
not slow to pick upon his own fondness for cards and dice, alleging
that he privately practised and encouraged what he publicly
condemned.

Unfortunately the Spaniards introduced the most reprehensible
of all "sports," — if indeed such it can be honestly called, — the bull-
fight as early as 1526 (Vetancourt, Teatro Mexicano).

Dancing was not discouraged, and religious festivals were celebrated
with gorgeous processions, so life was not quite so colourless as it was
afterwards made in the New England colonies.

220 Letters of Cortes

prosper, and preserve the person of Your Majesty, and
grant extension of greater kingdoms and lordships for
very lengthy times in His Holy Service, and everything
else which Your Highness may desire.

From the great City of Temixtitan in this New Spain
on 15 October, 1524.

Your Sacred Majesty's very humble subject and loyal
vassal who kisses the Royal feet of Your Majesty.

Ferdinand Cortes.

APPENDIX TO FOURTH LETTER

221

APPENDIX TO FOURTH LETTER

ENCOMIENDA SYSTEM

The system of repartimientos and encomiendas of the Indians was
begun in the Islands in the time of Columbus, and was, at the outset,
sanctioned by the Catholic Sovereigns, though the first authorisation,
given in 1497, grants repartimientos of lands but says nothing about
Indians. It was represented to be the best means for civilising and
Christianising the natives; but this sanction was afterwards revoked
by Isabella the Catholic, who, with a fuller knowledge of the real
conditions and of the abuses which quickly sprang up, issued severe
edicts against them.

The repartimiento, according to Leon, signified the first partition
or allotment of Indians made to the colonists, and the encomienda
was the second grant, made after the death of the first holder of the
right. The repartimiento in the Islands was sometimes of only a
week's duration, and hence had a temporary character, whereas the
encomienda was a permanent concession of rights over certain Indians
which was as much a property right as a grant of land and became
hereditary in the family holding it.

The home government enacted many measures for regulating the
system, and for the protection of the Indians, but distance and other
circumstances made it easy to evade these provisions, and shocking
abuses and cruelties, which rapidly depopulated the islands, became
common. It was this deplorable state of things which first aroused
the indignation of the Dominican monk, Las Casas, afterwards Bishop
of Chiapa and started him upon the zealous crusade in favour of the
rights of the natives; which procured him the glorious title of " Pro.
tector-General of the Indians."

The defenders of this system of enforced serfdom argued that the
Indians were by nature lazy, and, if left free, would never work; that
the only hope of converting them to Christianity was to keep them
in touch with Christians; and also that the climate was such, that white
labour could not be employed, even if there were plenty of workmen,
which there were not. It was therefore urged that without com-
pulsion there would be no native labour and without native labour
there would be no revenue.

Practically the only reward given to the soldiers of Cortes after
the conquest of Mexico was to assign to each one a repartimiento or

223

224 Letters of Cortes

encomienda of Indians, with whom to work the lands granted them.
Cortes seems to have been sincerely opposed to the system from the
outset, and to have yielded to the general clamour, only after having
presented other projects which were refused; nor does he seem to have
ever reconciled his conscience to it, although, once his sanction had
been given, he defended it on the usual grounds of its expediency, even
going so far as to withhold the publication of a royal decree which
the friars had obtained from the Emperor, revoking all repartimientos
and encomiendas already conceded, and forbidding new ones under
severest penalties in the future. He defended this action by writing
to the Emperor that to execute the decree would be to throw the
Indians back into barbarism, ruin the colony, and drive the colonists
out of the country.

The bishops and friars in Mexico energetically repudiated this idea,
and in writing to the Emperor, in 1528, during the governorship
of Nuno de Guzman, who was striving to obtain the royal approval
of encomiendas, the Franciscans of Mexico expressed themselves as
follows: "The proposal of the Governor and his auditors, suggested
to them by the holders of encomiendas in New Spain, that the natives
should be so held for their own welfare, their conversion to the faith,
and their obedience to the King, is nothing else but the using of re-
ligion as a pretext to enable them to continue their tyranny as
heretofore. When have these impious men ever had a thought of
converting these people? or of treating them humanely? We have
been witnesses of the methods of these holders of encomiendas for the
last five years, and we have seen that their vexatious torments seem
to have for their object the destruction of the Indians, and from these
we may infer how much more cruel they were in the other three
years after the conquest. By a special providence of God they have
not succeeded, even with all the means they have used, in destroying
the Mexicans. To wish to make slaves of the natives of the New
World in order to subject them to the Faith and the King's obedience,
is undoubtedly iniquitous, and God has forbidden men all abomina-
tions, even though the greatest good should result from them. Sacri-
fice is never acceptable if offered with unclean hands. It were a
lesser evil if not a single inhabitant of the New World were ever
converted to our Holy Faith, and that the King's sovereignty should
be lost forever, than that these people should be brought to the one
or the other by slavery" (Fr. Andres Calvo, Apud Bustamante).

The Empress, when she was regent, was moved to tears by one such
relation as this; royal decrees without number were repeatedly issued,
not merely to correct the abuses, but to suppress the system itself;
but by intrigue and every sort of subterfuge, rapacious conquerors
and greedy colonists would wrench concessions from the unwilling
sovereigns which, as soon as the real state of things became known,
would be promptly revoked. Open violation of the law was common,
and winked at by the local authorities, only the bishops and friars

Appendix. Fourth Letter 225

being left to protect against such doings. They were the abolitionists
of those times, and they had recourse to the severest spiritual penalties,
refusing the sacraments, and launching excommunications on the
notoriously cruel among the slave-holding colonists. Yielding to the
arguments so persistently advanced, temporising measures were
adopted ; the system being provisionally tolerated while every possible
provision for mitigating its evils was prescribed. Some of these were
as follows : the holder of an encomienda was bound to pledge himself
to an eight years' residence on his estate; no women or boys under
twelve years were to do plantation work; Indian labourers could not
be let out to others, nor be employed for regulating waterways, excavat-
ing canals, nor for building any house other than that of the holder of
the encomienda ; they were not to be taken 'away from their native pro-
vince, and squads of labourerscould be summoned for a period of twenty
days at a time only, at the ratio of ten men out of every hundred in a
village, and this not at their own harvest time; since mules, horses,
and oxen had been imported, the Indians were not to be used as beasts
of burden, as they were in the beginning; the villages were to be within
a given distance of the plantations ; the hours of work were from sun-
rise until one hour before sunset, with a rest at midday, and the pro-
prietor must feed them well, pay them at least one castellano per year,,
clothe them, and provide for the education of the sons of chiefs in the-
friar's school; moreover a priest was to be in charge of every two
thousand Indians. Had these, and the many other safeguards pro-
vided, been strictly observed by the Spaniards, the state of the Indians
would not have been a particularly bad one.

The Indians thus divided in encomiendas were not, strictly speaking,
slaves, though their labour was enforced. The slaves were a class
apart, and consisted of those who had been held in slavery by the
Mexicans before the arrival of Cortes, and of such as had afterwards
been condemned to slavery for rebellion.

Mention is several times made in the Letters of whole villages being
sold or divided as a punishment for insurrection. How easy it was
for the unscrupulous to provoke quarrels and broils, readily magnified
into "rebellions, " or to trump up a charge on which natives might be
enslaved, may be imagined. All such were branded, and as encomi-
enda Indians could not be sent to the mines or to work at a distance;
the slaves were used for these hard purposes. They were procured in
immense numbers from Mexican chiefs either by purchase — sometimes
for nominal sums — and sometimes in payment of debts, or to discharge
obligations, and this opened the way to countless abuses, as the
caciques not infrequently delivered free men into Spanish slavery,
and, once branded, their status was fixed forever. The trade in human
flesh flourished, and thousands were shipped to the islands where the
natives were rapidly being exterminated, and the treatment of these
poor creatures was so inhuman that many died during the voyage,
and others in despair threw themselves overboard and were drowned.

226 Letters of Cortes

It is a question, however, whether this treatment was worse than
they had suffered from their Mexican owners. Cortes affirms that
it was not, and that the threat they most feared was to be sold back
to the Aztecs. On the other hand, Motolinia describes the Spanish
system as the "sixth plague." I have elsewhere read that the Aztec
system was a purely patriarchal one, and that such slaves as were not
destined for human sacrifices had everything but their freedom; it
being also against the law to sell them, while their children were all
born free, and they could hold property of their own. It may indeed
be that the Aztec law provided such humane protections, but then
we have seen that the Spanish laws were also numerous and bene-
ficient, so that the actual fate of the slave cannot be gauged by the
spirit of the laws, but by the observance of them.

The Tlascalans were exempt from the prevailing system, in recog-
nition of their services during the conquest, and, in 1537, they them-
selves suppressed slavery and serfage of every sort within their prov-
ince, a measure which was approved by the Viceroy.

The system of encomiendas was finally abolished in Mexico under
Charles III.

FIFTH LETTER

227

FIFTH LETTER

Sacred Catholic Ccesarian Majesty:

On the 23 October of the past year, 1525, I de-
spatched a ship to the Island Espanola, from the town
of Trujillo, which is a port on the Cape of Honduras,1 on
board which was a servant of mine whom I ordered to
cross over to Spain. I wrote to Your Majesty something
of what had happened, at the gulf called Hibueras, be-
tween the two captains 2 I had sent there, and another
captain called Gil Gonzalez who went there afterwards.
As I was unable, when the vessel and messenger departed,
to give Your Majesty any account of my journey and
adventures, from the time I left this great city of Temix-
titan, until I met with the people in those distant parts,
it seemed to me important that Your Highness should
be informed of my doings, if only for the sake of not de-
parting from my custom, which is to withhold nothing,
wherein I am concerned, from the knowledge of Your
Majesty. I shall, therefore, relate events as best I can;
for to describe them as they occurred is more than I could
undertake to do, and, moreover, my narrative might
perhaps be incomprehensible to those for whom it is

1 First discovered by Columbus in 1502, and named by him Cape
Caximos, after some fruit trees, called thus by the natives; the name
of the gulf is spelled in different ways; Hibueras, which is perhaps the
most usual, means "pumpkins" in the provincial dialect, and these
are plentiful there about. The name Honduras meaning difficulties
is Spanish.

2 Cristobal de Olid and Francisco de Las Casas; as explained in the
Fourth Letter.

229

230 Letters of Cortes

destined. I will relate the principal and most important
occurrences of the said journey, omitting a great many
as accessory, though each would furnish material for
ample writing.

Having given my orders respecting that affair of
Cortes Cristobal de Olid, as I related to Your Majesty,
Leaves it seemed to me I had been a long time inactive,
Mexico an(j without undertaking anything in Your
Majesty's service; and, although my arm was not
yet healed of its wound, I nevertheless determined
to undertake something. I left this great city of
Temixtitan on the 12 October of 1524 last, accom-
panied by some horsemen and foot soldiers, chosen among
my old retainers and servants, and by some friends
and relatives of mine, amongst whom were Gonzalo de
Salazar, and Peralmindez Chirino, l the former a factor,
and the latter an inspector, for Your Majesty; and I also
took with me some noble persons of the natives, and I
left the administration of justice and government to the

1 Gonzalo de Salazar, Pero Armildez Chirino, Alonso de Estrada, and
Rodrigo de Albornoz, were sent as revenue officers to Mexico in 1524,
and to establish a court of accounts. Estrada was treasurer, Albornoz
was accountant, Salazar factor, and Chirino inspector. Their expecta-
tions of finding immense treasures ready at hand were disappointed,
and the only explanation which seemed to them adequate was that
Cortes had concealed or made way with them. In their joint de-
spatch to the Emperor, they accused him of possessing great riches,
and of having hidden the treasure of Montezuma instead of accounting
for it to the crown. They described Cortes as tyrannical, disloyal,
and engaged in plotting to establish his authority independently in
the country. This despatch was closely followed by two other letters,
one signed by all of them, and the other by Salazar alone. Salazar
stated that Cortes had collected three hundred and four million cas-
tellanos, without counting Montezuma's treasure, which was buried
in various secret places ; that he had retained for himself some thirty-
seven to forty provinces, some of them as large as all Andalusia; that
he was commonly believed to have poisoned Francisco de Garay; and
that the ships he pretended were preparing for the expedition to the
Spice Islands were really for carrying his treasure and himself in
safety to France.

Fifth Letter 231

treasurer and accountant of Your Highness, and to the
licenciate Alonzo de Zuarzo. I provided this city with
sufficient artillery, ammunition, and a garrison, and also
placed artillery at the dockyard, ordering the brigantines
to be made ready, and a military governor to have charge
of any operations necessary for the defence of the city.
All this being settled I left this city of Temixtitan with
the said design, and, while engaged at Espiritu Santo,
which is a town in the province of Coazacoalco, one
hundred and ten leagues from this city, in settling the
internal affairs of the community, I sent messengers to
Tabasco and Xicalango to inform the chiefs of these pro-
vinces of my intended journey, ordering them to meet me
or to send persons to whom I might give my instructions,
adding that their deputies should be honourable men of
good understanding, who would repeat faithfully to them
the sense of my instructions. They did exactly as I
directed, and received my messengers with due honour,
sending me seven or eight responsible men with full
authority, as is their habit on such occasions.

After enquiring of them respecting things I wished to
know about the country, they told me that on the sea-
coast, beyond the country called Yucatan, towards the
Bay of Asumption, ! there were some Spaniards who mo-
lested them; for, besides burning their villages and slaying
their people, in consequence of which many had fled to
the forests, they had totally destroyed the trade which
formerly flourished on that coast. Some who had been
in those parts described to me most of the villages on the
coast as far as the residence of Pedrarias de Avila,2 Your

1 A misspelling for Ascencion, though Gonzalo de Avila's people
were not there but some sixty leagues down the coast.

2 Pedrarius de Avila was from Segovia, and had distinguished
himself in the Moorish wars, both in Spain and Africa; he was sent,
in 1 5 13, to supersede Balboa as Governor of the colony on the Isthmus
of Darien, and sailed in command of one of the best expeditions sent
by King Ferdinand to the New World, consisting of fifteen ships

232 Letters of Cortes

Majesty's Governor in those parts, and they made me a
drawing on cloth of the whole of it by which I calculated
that I could go over the greater part of it, especially as
far as the place they indicated to me as the abode of those
Spaniards. Thus informed about the road I was to take
for carrying out my plans, and converting the natives
to the knowledge of our Holy Catholic Faith, and bringing
them to Your Majesty's service (certain as I was that
on such a long journey I would have to cross many
provinces and encounter people of divers races), being
also curious to know whether the Spaniards they de-
scribed were those whom I had sent under the Captains
Cristobal de Olid, Pedro de Alvarado, or Francisco de las
Casas, I esteemed it advantageous to Your Majesty's
service to go thither myself; inasmuch as my journey
being through regions and provinces heretofore unex-
plored, I would have ample occasion for serving Your
Majesty, and pacifying the said countries, as afterwards
happened. Conceiving to myself the result my expedition
would produce, and setting aside the fatigues and ex-
penses it entailed, of which some of my people did not
fail to remind me, I determined to follow the route
already decided upon before leaving this city.

Before I reached the said town of Espiritu Santo, I
had received letters from this city at two or three places
on the road, from my lieutenants, and other persons;
and Your Majesty's officials who were with me likewise
received similar ones. These informed us that the
Treasurer and Accounting Master had quarrelled, and

carrying twelve hundred soldiers, besides fifteen hundred gentlemen,
or persons of some quality. Balboa, without a murmur, surrendered
to the new Governor his authority at Santa Maria Antigua, as the
town on Darien was called, and shortly afterward married his daughter;
but, in spite of this, Pedrarius trumped up a charge of disloyalty and
plotting a rebellion against Balboa, who, to the sorrow and amazement
of the protesting colonists was executed. The Bishop of Burgos
protected Pedrarius from the punishment his conduct merited.

Fifth Letter 233

that there no longer existed between them the harmony-
necessary for the proper discharge of their respective
functions with which I, in Your Majesty's name, had
charged them. I took what seemed to me the required
measures, which was to write them urgent reproofs for
their conduct, even warning them that if they could not
agree with one another and adopt different methods, I
would provide a remedy which would please neither of
them, and report the whole matter to Your Majesty.
During my stay in the said town of Espiritu Santo, and
while engaged in preparations for my journey, fresh
letters came from the lieutenants and from other persons,
reporting that their enmities still continued and were
even increased; so much so that during one council
meeting they had actually drawn their swords, thus
causing a great scandal and commotion, not only amongst
the Spaniards who armed themselves and took one side
or the other, but even among the natives of the city who
took up arms saying that the commotion justified them.
Seeing therefore that my reproofs and warnings were not
sufficient, and that I could not go myself to remedy the
matter without abandoning my expedition, it seemed to
me sufficient to send the factor and inspector who were
with me, with equal powers to inquire into the cause of
the dispute and pacify things; and I even gave them
another secret power of attorney, enabling them to sus-
pend both men from the charge which I had left them,
if reasonable means did not suffice, and to assume the
government themselves, together with the licenciate
Alonzo de Zuazo, and to punish the offenders. I was
quite convinced that the errand of the said factor and
inspector would produce good results, and that they
would succeed in pacifying the rival passions, so I went
on my way with my mind at ease.

This being done I made a review of my forces which
were to accompany me, and found that there were

234 Letters of Cortes

ninety-three horsemen, besides crossbowmen and arque-
busiers, and thirty odd foot soldiers; altogether a
Number of total of two hundred and thirty men. I took
his Force a large caravel which had been sent to me from
the town of Medellin, loaded with provisions, and was
then at anchor in the port of Espiritu Santo. I again
loaded this vessel with the stores I had brought; and,
putting four pieces of artillery on board, as well as cross-
bows, muskets, and other ammunition, I ordered the crew
to sail to the island of Tabasco, and wait there for my
commands.

I likewise wrote to a servant of mine who lives at
Medellin to provision two other caravels and a large boat
then in the port, and to send them to me: I gave in-
structions to Rodrigo de Paz whom I left in care of my
house and property in Temixtitan to send five or six
thousand ounces of gold to Medellin to pay for the said
provisions, and I likewise wrote to the treasurer asking
him to advance me that money as I had no more in the
hands of the aforesaid agent. All this being done ac-
cording to my wishes, the caravel came as far as the
River Tabasco, laden with provisions which proved, how-
ever, to be of little use, as, my road being far inland,
the heavily laden caravel could neither go up the river,
nor could I send for them on account of the extensive
swamps that lay between. Having arranged for what
was to go by sea, I set out and marched along the coast
until I reached a province, called Qupilco, * some thirty-
five leagues distant from Espiritu Santo; besides several
large swamps and streams, over all of which temporary
bridges were built, I had to cross, on this journey, three
very large rivers, one near a village, called Tumalo,
some nine leagues from the town of Espiritu Santo, the
other at Agualulco, nine leagues further on; these were

1 Most probably Tupilcos is meant: no map shows these various
names as Cortes spells them.

Fifth Letter 235

crossed in canoes, the horses swimming, being led by
halters ; and the last river was so wide that nothing could
make the horses swim it, so I had to provide a wooden
bridge about half a league up from the sea where the
horses and people could pass. It was nine hundred and
thirty paces long and was indeed a marvellous thing to
behold. This Province of Qupilco abounds in the fruit
called cacao and has also many fisheries ; there are ten or
twelve good towns, I mean chief towns besides hamlets,
and the country is flat with many marshes so that in
winter it is impossible to go about except in canoes.
Although I traversed it in the dry season from one end
to the other, which is about twenty leagues, more than
fifty bridges had to be built for the passage of men and
horses. The natives are quiet and peaceable, though
rather timid and shy owing to the little intercourse they
had had with Spaniards, but, through my arrival, they
became more confident and served very willingly, not only
myself and my companions, but also the Spaniards to
whom they were allotted on any departure.

From this province of Qupilco, according to the draw-
ing the natives of Tabasco and Xicalango had given me,
I was to proceed to another, called Cagoatan; but, as
the natives travelled only by water, they were ignorant
of any overland route, though they pointed out to me
where the said province was supposed to be. I was
obliged, therefore, to send some Spaniards and Indians in
that direction to look for the road, and, upon discover-
ing it, to make it possible for the rest of us to advance ;
for it was through very great forests. It pleased our
Lord that, after some difficulty, it should be found, for,
besides the forests, there were many troublesome marshes
over all, or most, of which bridges had to be built, and we
had to cross the great river, called Quecalapa, a tributary
of the Tabasco. From there, I sent two Spaniards to
the chiefs of Tabasco and Conapa, asking them to send

236 Letters of Cortes

me some fifteen or twenty canoes to bring provisions up
that river from the caravels lying there, and to help me
to cross the river and to transport the provisions to the
chief town of Zaguatan, which, it afterwards appeared,
was some twelve leagues up the river from where I
crossed; and they did all this, complying exactly with
my request.

After discovering the road to the River Zalapa, l which,
as I said, we had to cross, I left the last village of the
province of Qupilco, called Anaxuxuan, and slept that
first night on the open ground between some lagoons;
and early the next day we reached the river but found
no canoes in which to cross because those I had sent to
ask from the chief of Tabasco had not arrived. I learnt,
moreover, that the scouts who went ahead were opening
the road up the river from the other side, because, having
been told that it flowed through the principal town of
the said province, they naturally followed its course so
as not to go astray. One of them had gone in a canoe
by water to reach the town the sooner, and on his arrival
had found all the people in a commotion, so he spoke to
them through an interpreter he had with him; and, after
succeeding in calming them somewhat, he sent some
Indians in his canoe down the river to tell me what had
happened with the natives of that town, and that he was
coming down himself, opening the road by which I was
to march until he should meet the scouts who were work-
ing up on this other side. This news gave me great
pleasure, not merely because it made known the peaceful
disposition of the natives, but also because it assured
to me a road which I had thought was doubtful, or at
least very difficult. On the canoe brought by these In-
dians, and some rafts which I had built out of logs, I
managed to send all the heavy baggage to the other side
of the river, which at that point is very wide. While

1 Also sometimes given as Quezolape, and Guezalapa.

Fifth Letter 237

occupied in crossing, those Spaniards whom I had sent
to Tabasco arrived with twenty canoes loaded with
supplies from the large caravel which I had sent there
from Coazacoalco; and I learned from them that the
two other large caravels and the ship had not yet arrived
in the river, having remained behind at Coazacoalco,
but that they were expected soon. No less than two
hundred Indians from Tabasco and Cunapa came in the
said canoes, and I crossed the river without other accident
than the drowning of a negro slave and the loss of two
loads of iron tools of which we afterwards stood in some
need.

That night, I, with all my people, slept on the other
side of the river, and the next day set out to follow the
track of the scouts who were opening the road, having
no other guide but the river bank itself. We marched
thus about six leagues, and arrived under a pouring rain
in a forest, where we slept. During the night, the Span-
iard who had gone up the river to the town of Qagoatan
came back with some seventy Indians, natives of that
place, and told me that he had opened the road on the
other side, but that if I wished to take it I would have
to retrace my steps for a distance of two leagues. I did
this, but gave orders at the same time that the scouts,
who were in advance cutting their way along the bank
of the river, and who had already gone three leagues
from the place where I myself had passed the night,
should continue their work: they had scarcely advanced
a league and a half when they reached the outskirts of
the town, and, in this way, two roads were open where
before there had been none.

I took the road opened by the natives, and, although
it proved a hard one, on account of the torrents of rain
which had fallen that day and of the many swamps we
had to cross, I still managed to arrive on the same day
at one of the suburbs of the said town, which, though

238 Letters of Cortes

the smallest of all, contained more than two hundred
sufficiently good houses; we could not reach the other
because it was separated from us by rivers which flowed
between and which we could have crossed only by
swimming.

The towns were all very deserted, and we found, upon
our arrival, that all the Indians who had accompanied
the Spaniards had also fled, notwithstanding that I had
spoken to them kindly and treated them well, distributing
among them some of the trifles I had with me, and thank-
ing them for the pains they had taken in opening the
said road. I had told them that my coming to these
parts was by Your Majesty's commands and for no other
purpose than to teach them to believe in and worship
only one God, Creator and Maker of all things, and to
acknowledge Your Majesty as supreme lord of the country,
and many other like things, which I usually said to them.
I waited three or four days, thinking they had left from
fear and would come back to speak to me, but none of
them ever appeared.

In order to bring them by peaceable means to Your
Majesty's service, and to obtain information from them
about my road, for there seemed not to be even a track
of a single person ever having gone on land, all travelling
on the great rivers and lakes, I determined to send two
companies of Spaniards and some natives of Temixtitan,
whom I had with me, to search for the people of the
province and bring some of them to me. By means of
the canoes which had come up the river from Tabasco,
and of others we procured at the said town, my men
managed to navigate most of the rivers and swamps, as
marching overland seemed impracticable; but they dis-
covered only two Indians and some women from whom
I took every pains to ascertain where their chief and
his people were. They told me no more, however, than
that they were wandering dispersed through the forest,

Fifth Letter 239

swamps, and rivers. I likewise asked them about the
road to the province of Chilapan, which, according to
the drawing I had, was the next on my road; but they
would never tell me, saying that their only mode of
travel was by rivers and swamps in their canoes, and
that they only knew how to go thither by water and
never by land. They did, however, point out to me a
chain of mountains, some ten leagues distant perhaps,
saying that in its neighbourhood stood the principal
town of Chilapanon on the banks of a large river which t
joining with the Qagoatan lower down, flowed afterwards
into the Tabasco ; and that further up the river there was
another town, called Acumba 1 ; but neither did they know
any road thither by land.

I remained in this town twenty days, during which I
never ceased to seek a road leading to somewhere, but I
never found one, either great or small; on the character
contrary, the country about us had so many of the

swamps and lagoons that it seemed impossible Country
to cross them, but, as we were already in such straits
from want of provisions, we commended our souls
to God, our Creator, and built over the marsh a bridge
three hundred paces in length, which was constructed
of many large beams, between thirty-five and forty
feet in length, on which cross beams were laid, and
on these we passed over, marching through the coun-
try in quest of the place where we had been told was
the town of Chilapan. Meanwhile, I sent a company
of horsemen, with crossbowmen, by another way to
search for the town of Acumba, and they found it that
same day. By swimming and by means of two canoes
which they found there, they surprised the villages whose
inhabitants fled so they were unable to capture any except

1 Also written Athumba, but, according to Gayangos, Ocumba
appears very distinctly in the Vienna MS. : he adds that some writers
identify the place as Cicimbra.

240 Letters of Cortes

two men and some women with whom they came to meet
me on the road ; they also found plenty of provisions.
That night, I slept on the open ground.

Next day, it pleased God that we should come to a
dryer country with fewer marshes, and those Indians
who had been taken at Acumba guided us as far as Chila-
pan, where we arrived late the next day, finding all the
town burned and the natives absent. This town of
Chilapan is beautifully situated and very large. It is
surrounded by plantations of fruit trees of the country
and fields of maize, which, though not yet ripe, were of
great comfort to us in our necessity. I remained there
two days, laying in supplies for the journey, and sending
out some expeditions into the neighbourhood to capture,
if possible, some natives from whom I might learn about
the road; but with the exception of two at first, who were
found concealed in the village, all our searching was in
vain. I got information from these, however, about
the road to Tepetitan, l otherwise called Tamacaste-
peque; although they hardly knew their way thither,
we were fortunate enough, sometimes by their guidance,
and sometimes by half feeling our way, to reach that
town within two days.

On the road, we had to cross a large river, called Chila-
pan, from which the town took its name, and this was
accomplished with great difficulty owing to the deep
and rapid stream; we used rafts as there were no canoes
there and we lost a negro who was drowned, and much
of the baggage of the Spaniards. After this river, which
we crossed at a place a league and a half distant from
the said village of Chilapan, we had to cross several large
swamps before reaching Tepetitan, in all of which but
one the horses sank to their knees and many times to
their ears. Between Chilapan and Tepetitan, a distance
of six or seven leagues, the country was full of similar

1 Tepetizan.

Fifth Letter 241

swamps; one especially we found so perilous that,
though a bridge was built over it two or three Spaniards
were very nearly drowned. After two days of such
fatigues, we reached the said village of Tepetitan, which
we also found burned and deserted, thus causing us
double hardship. We found some fruits of the country
inside and some fields of maize in the neighbourhood,
unripe, though it was taller than that at Chilapan; we
also discovered under the burnt houses, some granaries
which contained small quantities of maize; this was of
great help in the extreme necessity to which we were
reduced. At this village of Tepetitan, which stands
at the foot of a mountain chain, I remained six full days,
causing excursions to be made in search of natives who
might be induced to return peaceably to their dwellings
and point out to us the road ahead; but we never could
catch but a single man and some women from whom I
learned that the chief and natives of the town had been
induced by the people of Qagoatan to burn their village
and fly to the woods. The man said that he did not know
the road to Iztapan, the next place on my map, there
being, as he said, no road overland, but that he would
guide us more or less towards the vicinity in which he
knew it was.

With this guide, I sent thirty Spaniards on horseback
and thirty men on foot with instructions to discover the
village of Iztapan, and, once there, to write me a de-
scription of the road I was to follow; for I decided not to
leave the place where I had camped until I heard from
them. They left, but, at the end of two days, having re-
ceived no letters, nor other news, from them, and seeing,
moreover, the extreme want to which we were reduced,
I decided to follow them without a guide and with no
other indication of the road they had taken than their
footsteps in the fearful, miry swamps, with which the
country is covered; for I assure Your Majesty that, even

VOL. II— 16

242 Letters of Cortes

on the hill tops, our horses, being led, and without their
riders, sank to their girths in the mire. In this manner,
I travelled two days on the said trail, without receiving
any news of the people who had gone ahead; and I was
perplexed enough as to what I should do, because to go
back I held as impossible, and to proceed with no cer-
tainty of the road seemed equally so. God, Who in our
greatest afflictions often comes to our help, was pleased
to permit that, while we were encamping in great sadness
and distress, believing we were all destined to perish of
hunger, two Indians should arrive, bringing letters from
the Spaniards whom I had sent ahead. They informed
me that upon reaching the village of Iztapan, they found
that the natives had sent all their women and property
across a large river, which ran close to that place, and
that the village itself was full of natives, who thought
the Spaniards would not be able to pass the great swamp
near by; but, when they saw my men swimming across
it on their horses, they had been much frightened and
had begun to burn their village, which my men pre-
vented by putting out the fire. Seeing this, all the in-
habitants fled to the banks of the river, which they crossed,
either in numerous canoes or by swimming, and in their
haste and confusion, which were very great, many were
drowned; my Spaniards, nevertheless, had succeeded
in capturing seven or eight, among whom there was one
who seemed to be a chief; the letter also added that they
were anxiously awaiting my arrival. I cannot describe
to Your Majesty the great joy the receipt of this letter
caused all my people, for, as I said above, we had almost
despaired of relief.

Early the next morning, I continued my march, guided
by the Indians who had brought the letter, and, in this
March to manner, I arrived at Iztapan late in the even-
Iztapan ing, where I found all the people who had gone
ahead very contented ; for they had discovered many plan-

Fifth Letter 243

tations of maize, though the grain was not yet ripe, and
also yucas and agoes 1 in great abundance, these latter two
furnishing sustenance and constituting the food of the
natives of the Islands. I immediately had brought before
me those natives of the town who had been captured
there, asking them through the interpreter why they
had burned their own houses and towns and why they
fled since I intended them no harm or mischief, but rather
shared what I had with those whom I met. They an-
swered that the chief of Qagoatan had come in a canoe and
frightened them, inducing them to fire their town and
abandon it. I had the chief and all the men and women
who had been captured in Qagoatan and Chilapan and
Tepetitan brought before me, and explained to them
how that wicked man had deceived them, telling them
they might inform themselves from those Indians now
before me, by asking them whether I or any of my people
had done them any harm or mischief, or if they had not
been well treated in my company. Being informed by
them, they all began to weep, declaring they had been
deceived and showing great grief for what had happened.
In order to reassure them, I gave permission to all the
Indians, both men and women, who had come with me
from the other villages to return to their homes, making
them some small presents and giving them sundry letters
which I ordered them to keep in their towns, and to
show to any Spaniards who might pass there, because by
them they would be protected. I also told them to ex-
plain to their chiefs the mistake they had committed
in burning their houses and towns and in abandoning
them, and that henceforth they must not act thus, but
rather stop confidently in their homes as no harm or
evil would be done them. After this, they left, well

1 The root of the Yuca (vulgarly called Adam's needle) is fari-
naceous and edible: the Agoes or Aji are the red peppers so commonly
used in Mexican dishes.

244 Letters of Cortes

satisfied and contented, as were likewise the others who
remained.

After this, I spoke to the Indian who seemed to be
their chief, and told him to observe how I harmed no
one about me; neither was my coming there for the pur-
pose of offending them, but rather to make known many
things to them which were advantageous, not only for
the security of their lives and property, but also for the
salvation of their souls. For the same reason I besought
him earnestly to send two or three of his people, with
whom I would send as many more of the natives of
Temixtitan, to call the chief and tell him not to be afraid,
for by his coming he would profit greatly. He answered
that he would be pleased to do this, and he immediately
sent his people with whom went the Indians of Mexico,
and, the next morning, the messengers returned with
the chief and some forty men. The chief told me he had
abandoned his town and ordered it to be burned because
the lord of Qagoatan had advised him to do this, and not
to meet me, as I would kill them all, and that he had
learned from those who had come to call him that he had
been deceived, and that he was sorry for what had hap-
pened, praying me to pardon him, for henceforth he would
obey me; and he besought me that certain women who
had been captured by the Spaniards when they arrived
should be restored to him, so twenty were immediately
collected which pleased him greatly.

It happened, however, that a Spaniard saw an Indian
of Temixtitan eating a piece of flesh taken from the body
Punish- °f an Indian who had been killed when they
ment of entered Iztapan, and he told me this ; so in
Cannibalism foe presence of that chief I had the culprit
burned, explaining that the cause was his having killed
that Indian and eaten him which was prohibited by
Your Majesty, and by me in Your Royal name. I
further made the chief understand that all the peo-

Fifth Letter 245

pie of those parts must abstain from this custom, and
that I had punished that man with death because he
had slain and eaten a fellow creature, for I wished that
none should be killed, but that, on the contrary, I came
by order of Your Majesty to protect their lives as well
as their property and to teach them that they were to
adore but one God, who is in the heavens, Creator and
Maker of all things, through whom all creatures live and
are governed; and that they must turn from their idols,
and the rites they had practised until then, for these were
lies and deceptions which the devil, the enemy of the
human race, had invented for deceiving them and to bring
them to eternal damnation, where great and frightful
torments awaited them; being thus deprived of the
knowledge of God they could not be saved nor come into
the enjoyment of glorious and eternal beatitude, which
God had promised and has prepared for them who believe
in Him; all of which the devil through his malice and
evil doings had lost. I, likewise, had come to teach them
that Your Majesty, by the will of Divine Providence,
rules the universe, and that they also must submit
themselves to the imperial yoke, and do all that we
who are Your Majesty's ministers here might order them
in Your Royal name; for, acting thus, they would be
favoured and maintained in justice, and their lives and
properties protected, but that, acting otherwise, they
would be proceeded against and punished according to
justice. I told them many things concerning these
matters which, as they were lengthy, I do not repeat to
Your Majesty.

The chief showed much satisfaction, and sent some
of his people to bring provisions, and I gave him
some presents from Spain, which he admired very
much ; and all the time he remained with me he was
very contented. He ordered a road to be opened to
another town, called Tatahuitalpan, five leagues up the

246 Letters of Cortes

river from this, and, as we had to cross a very deep river,
he had an excellent bridge made over it on which we
crossed, and he filled in some very big swamps, and gave
me three canoes in which I sent three Spaniards down
the river to Tabasco (because this is the principal river
which empties into it) where the ships were, as I have
said, awaiting my orders. I sent orders with these
Spaniards that they were to follow the coast until they
doubled the cape, called Yucatan, after which they should
proceed to the Bay of Ascension, where they would either
find me or my orders as to what they were to do next.
I also ordered the three Spaniards who went in the canoes
and all those they could collect in the provinces of
Tabasco and Xiculango to bring me as many pro-
visions as they could by way of the great salt lagoon
which connects with the province of Aculan, some forty
leagues distant from Iztapan, where I would wait for
them.

These Spaniards having departed, and the road being
completed, I begged the chief of Iztapan to give me three
or four other canoes in which to send up the river a half
dozen Spaniards and some of his people, under a chief,
to tranquillise the natives, and prevent them from burning
and deserting their towns; he did this with every show
of good will, and my people, being accompanied by Indians
from Iztapan, succeeded in quieting the inhabitants of
four or five villages up the river, as I shall hereafter relate
to Your Majesty.

This town of Iztapan is very large and built on
the bank of a very beautiful river. Its position is
advantageous for a Spanish settlement, and the
pasture is excellent along the banks of the river, while
there is good farming land; and the country is well
populated.

After stopping eight days in Iztapan, and having pro-
vided everything as specified in the former chapter, I left,

Fifth Letter 247

and arrived that day at the small town of Tatahuitalpan,
and found it burned and deserted. I reached there before
the canoes, which were coming up the river Departure
and were delayed by the strong currents and from

many windings. After their arrival, I sent Iztapan
some people to cross in them to the other bank in
search of the natives of the town, in order to reassure
them. About half a league on the other side of the
river, they found some twenty men in one of the
temples of their idols, which they had decorated pro-
fusely; these they brought to me, telling me that all the
people had abandoned the place through fear, but they
had preferred to remain on the spot and die with their
gods. While engaged in this talk with them, some of our
Indians passed, carrying some things taken from those
idols, seeing which, the natives cried out that their gods
had been killed ; I replied to this, telling them to observe
what a vain and foolish belief was theirs, for they believed
that gods who could not even protect themselves could
give them benefits, and to behold how easily they were
destroyed: they answered me that their fathers had held
that creed, and until they knew of a better one that they
would hold it. I was unable, on account of the brevity
of the time, to explain this subject more fully than I had
already done to the people at Iztapan, but two Fran-
ciscan friars, who were with me, also told them many
things about these matters. I besought them to send
and call the chief and people of the town and to reassure
them, and the chief whom I had brought from Iztapan
also told them of the kindness they had received from me
in his town, upon which they pointed out one of them-
selves, saying that he was their chief; so he sent
two of them to call the people to return, but they never
appeared.

Seeing that they did not come, I besought the one
who I was told was the chief to show me the road to

248 Letters of Cortes

Qagoatespan, * through which, according to my map,
I would have to pass higher up this river; and he said
that he did not know the way by land, but only by the
river, as they all travelled that way, but that he would
try to guide us through those forests, though he was uncer-
tain whether he might reach there or not. I asked him to
show me from there whereabouts it stood; and I marked
it the best I could, and ordered the Spaniards of the
canoes and the Chief of Iztapan to go up the river to the
said town of Qagoatespan and reassure its people and
those of another town, which they would come to first,
called Ozumazintlan ; if I arrived first I would wait for
them, otherwise they should wait for me. Having
despatched these men, I departed with the native guides
and, leaving the town, I came to a great marsh, more
than half a league in length, which we managed to pass,
after the Indians our friends, had lain down branches
and underbrush. We next came to a deep lagoon over
which we were obliged to build a bridge for the passage
of the heavy baggage and the saddles, whilst the horses
crossed swimming. After that, we came to another deep
lagoon, more than a league long, where the water was
never below the knees of the horses, and many times up
to the girths, but, as the bottom was rather solid, we
crossed without accident, and reached the forest through
which we cut our way as best we could during two con-
secutive days, until our guides said they were bewildered
and knew not whither they were going. The forest was
such that we could see nothing but the ground where we
stood, or, looking upwards, the sky above our heads, such
were the height and density of the trees ; and although
some climbed up them, they could not see a stone's
throw ahead.

When those who were ahead with the guides opening

1 Singuatepecpan, various spellings, Bernal Diaz calls it Cigua-
tepecad.

Fifth Letter 249

the roads sent me word that they were lost, I ordered
them to stop where they were and went ahead on foot
till I came up with them and saw the bewilderment in
which they were; I made the people turn back to a small
marsh we had crossed the day before, and where there
was some pasturage for the horses, since they had had
nothing to eat for forty-eight hours. We remained there
that night, suffering much from hunger, and hopeless of
finding any populated place, so that my people were more
dead than alive. I consulted my compass by which I
had often guided myself, though never had we been in
such a plight as this, and, remembering the direction in
which the Indians said the town stood, I calculated that,
by going towards the north-east from where we were we
would come out at, or very near to, the town; so I or-
dered those who were ahead opening the road to take
the compass with them and follow that direction without
deviating from it. Our Lord was pleased that they
should come out so exactly that, at the hour of vespers,
they came upon some temples of the idols in the centre
of the town, which caused such rejoicing among the
people that they all ran to the town as though almost
out of their senses, and, not observing a large marsh at
its entrance, many of the horses sank in it so that some
could not be got out until the following day, God being
pleased, however, that none should perish; and we who
came in the rear avoided the swamp, though with con-
siderable difficulty.

We found 5ag°atespan entirely burned; even to the
mosques and houses of their idols, nor did we find any
people there, nor news of the canoes which Arrival at
were ascending the river. There was plenty Singuate-
of maize, riper than that of other places, also pespan
yuca and agoes, and good pasture for the horses on
the banks of the river, which are very fertile and cov-
ered with fine grass. Thus refreshed, our past troubles

250 Letters of Cortes

were forgotten, although I was uneasy at hearing no-
thing from the canoes. Walking about this village and
inspecting it, I found a cross-bow arrow stuck in the
ground, by which I knew that the canoes had been there,
for all of the men in them were archers; this grieved me,
leading me to believe they had fought there and been
killed, since none of them appeared. To ascertain the
truth, if possbile, I sent some of my people, in certain
small canoes which were found there, to explore the river
on the other side. They soon met a great number of
Indians, and saw many cultivated fields, and, proceeding
on their way, they reached a large lake where all the
people of the town, partly in canoes and partly on small
islands, had collected; who, when they saw the Christians,
came to meet them very confidently, though without
understanding what they said. Thirty or forty were
brought to me, and, after I had spoken to them, they
said that they had burned their town at the instigation
of the chief of Qagoatespan, and had gone to the lakes
out of fear; and that, afterwards, some Christians of my
party, had come there in canoes, accompanied by natives
of Iztapan, from whom they heard of the good treatment
shown to everybody, which had reassured them; and
that the Christians had stopped there two days waiting
for me, but, as I had not come, they had gone up the
river to another town, called Petenecte, x accompanied
by the brother of their chief and four canoes full of people
to help them in case that other town should be hostile;
and that they had been given all the provisions they
needed. I greatly rejoiced at this news, and believed
them, seeing they came so confidently to me, and were so
well disposed. I, therefore, prayed them to immediately

1 Petenacte : also Penacte. As these names belong for the most
part to obscure Indian villages which appear on no map, and are writ-
ten with every variety of spelling, correction is undertaken only when
it seems important to identify a spot by its correct geographical

Fifth Letter 251

send a canoe with people in search of these Spaniards,
and to take a letter of mine, ordering them to return to
that place forthwith. This they executed with dili-
gence enough, and I gave them my letter for the Span-
iards; so, the next day, at the hour of vespers, the latter
arrived accompanied by the townspeople who had gone
with them, and the four other canoes full of people and
provisions from the town whence they had come; and
they told me that they had crossed the river higher up
after leaving me, arriving at Ozumazintlan, which they
found burned and deserted; and that the natives of Iz-
tapan who accompanied them, had searched for the
people and called them, so that many had come very
confidently, bringing them provisions and everything
they had asked for. And thus, they had left them in
their town, and afterwards had gone to Qagoatespan,
which they also found deserted, the inhabitants having
gone to the other side of the river; but the people of
Iztapan had spoken to them, so they had come back
rejoicing, and had given the Spaniards a good reception
and all the provisions they required. They had waited
there for me two days, and, as I did not come, they
thought I had gone higher up, so they went on accom-
panied by the people of that village to the next town,
Petenecte, which is six leagues from there, rinding it also
deserted but not burned, and the people on the other
side of the river; but the people of Iztapan and those of
Qagoatespan had reassured the natives, and induced them
to come in four canoes to see me, and bring me maize and
honey and cacao and a little gold. They had sent two
messengers to three more villages up the river, named
Coazacoalco, Caltencingo, and Tautitan, so they believed
that people from those places would come to speak to
me there on the following day. And so it happened that
some seven or eight canoes came down the river the next
day bringing people from all these towns, who gave me

252 Letters of Cortes

provisions and a little gold. I spoke very fully to them,
trying to make them understand that they were to be-
lieve in one God and serve Your Majesty; and they all
offered themselves as subjects and vassals of Your High-
ness, and promised to obey whatever was commanded
of them. The natives of Qagoatespan brought me some
of their idols, and in my presence broke and burned them,
and the principal chief, who until then had not appeared,
arrived, bringing me a little gold, and I gave them all
presents of such as I had, which pleased and reassured
them very much.

There was some difference of opinion amongst them
about the road I was to take to Acalan, for those of Qa-
goatespan said my road lay through the villages up the
river and that they had caused six leagues of road to be
opened expressly in that direction, and ordered a bridge
to be built over a certain river which we had to cross.
Others maintained that this road, besides being a very
bad one, was much longer, and that the best and shortest
road to Acalan was to cross the river at the town where
we were, for a trail existed there which traders sometimes
took, by which they would guide me as far as Acalan.
Finally it was settled amongst them that this was the
best road, so I sent a Spaniard ahead, with some natives
of 5ag°atespan, to inform the people of Acalan of my
coming, and to reassure them and calm their fears. The
messenger was also to ascertain whether my people,
who had been charged with bringing supplies from the
brigantines, had arrived or not. Afterwards, I sent four
other Spaniards by land with guides who claimed to
know the road, to inspect it, and see if there were any
obstacles, while I waited for their answer; after they left,
I was obliged to depart before hearing from them, so that
the provisions provided for the journey should not be
exhausted, for I was told that we would march for five
or six days through a desert country. I began, therefore,

Fifth Letter 253

to prepare canoes, and to cross the river which was suffi-
ciently dangerous, as it was broad, and its current so very
strong that one horse was drowned and some of the
Spaniards' baggage was lost. After crossing, I sent a
couple of foot soldiers ahead with guides to open the
road, whilst I, with the others, followed in the rear; and
having travelled three days through a mountainous
district, covered with forests, we came by a narrow trail
to a large marsh, more than five hundred paces broad,
to cross which we sought in vain to find a place; but
one could not be found, neither up nor down, and the
guides declared that it was useless to search for it unless
we marched for twenty days towards the mountain chain.
This marsh occasioned more trouble than I can say,
for to cross it seemed impossible, on account of its great
size and of our having no canoes, though even Cortes

had we had them the men and horses and Builds the
heavy baggage could not have crossed, for Great Bridge
both sides were surrounded by morasses, full of stumps
and roots of trees, while to cross the horses in any
other way was entirely hopeless; to think of turning
back plainly meant the destruction of everybody, not
only on account of the bad roads, and the heavy rain
which had fallen and had so swollen the river that
the bridge we had left was already destroyed, but
also because the people were perfectly exhausted, and,
having consumed our provisions, we would find noth-
ing to eat; for we were numerous, there being, besides
the Spaniards and the horses, more than three thousand
natives with me. I have already told Your Majesty the
difficulties in the way of advancing, and that no man's
brain was equal to devising relief if God, Who is the true
help and succour of all the afflicted, had not provided it.
For I found a very small canoe, in which the Spaniards
whom I had sent ahead to explore the road had crossed,
and with it I sounded the marsh and found it to be four

254 Letters of Cortes

fathoms deep; so I had some lances tied together to ex-
amine the bottom and found that, besides the depth of
the water, there were two fathoms of mud, so that in all
there were six fathoms. Finally I determined to make
a bridge over it and set about distributing the work to be
done, and the wood to be cut, among the different people :
the beams were to be from nine to ten fathoms in length
according to the part which would remain above water.
I charged the chiefs who had come with me to cut and
bring a certain number of trees, each in proportion to the
number of his people, and the Spaniards and I, on rafts
and with that little bit of a canoe and two others which
we afterwards found, began to lay the timbers. Every-
body thought it was impossible to complete it, and, be-
hind my back, some of them even said it would have been
better to go the roundabout way before the people
became too exhausted to be prevented afterwards from
returning, for in the end this work would never be fin-
ished and we should be forced to go back. This mur-
muring spread to such an extent that they almost dared
to utter it to me; and as I saw them so despondent, and
in truth they had reason because of the character of the
work we had undertaken, and because they were reduced
to eating roots and herbs, I ordered them to take no part
in building the bridge, for I would do it with the Indians.
So I immediately sent for all the chiefs and told them to
consider the great strait to which we were reduced, and
that we were forced either to cross or to perish; hence I
besought them earnestly to exhort their people to
finish that bridge, for, once across, we would have
immediately before us a large province, called Acalan,
where there was abundance of provisions, and there we
would rest ; and that besides the provisions of the country
they knew I had sent to have supplies brought from the
ships, and that people would bring them in canoes, so that
there we would have great abundance of everything.

Fifth Letter 255

Besides all this, I promised them that, on our return to
Medellin, they would be well rewarded by me in Your
Majesty's name. They promised me that they would
work to that end, and they divided the task among them,
and worked so hard and with such skill that, in less than
four days, they constructed a fine bridge over which all
the people and horses crossed ; and, unless it is intention-
ally destroyed, which would have to be done by burning
it, it will last for more than ten years, as more than one
thousand beams were used, the smallest of them as big
round as a man's body, and from nine to ten fathoms in
length, without counting the smaller number. I certify
to Your Majesty that I do not believe anyone capable
of describing the system they displayed in building this
bridge ; I can only say that it is the most wonderful thing
that has ever been seen.

All the people and horses having crossed to the other
side of the lagoon, we came upon a great morass, two
bow shots long, the most frightful thing men ever saw,
where the unsaddled horses sank to their girths, and by
their efforts to get out only sank deeper, so that we de-
spaired of saving any of them or crossing ourselves; still
we set to work, and, by putting bundles of herbs and
branches under them, they could support themselves
so as not to sink altogether, by which measure they were
somewhat relieved. Thus we were engaged going back-
wards and forwards to the assistance of the horses, when
a narrow channel of water and mud was discovered where
the animals began to swim and advance a little, so that
with our Lord's help they all came out safe though so
exhausted from the exertion that they could scarcely
stand on their legs. We gave many thanks to our Lord
for His great mercy extended to us.

Just then the Spaniards whom I had sent to Acalan
arrived with about eighty Indians from that province
loaded with supplies of maize and birds, which God knows

256 Letters of Cortes

the rejoicing it caused, especially when they told us that
all the people were peaceable and well disposed. With
the Indians of Acalan there came two of their notables
sent by a chief of the province, called Apaspolon, to tell
me that he greatly rejoiced at my coming as many days
had passed since he first heard of me from the traders of
Tabasco and Xiculango, and he would be glad to know
me, and he sent me some gold which they gave me. I
received them with pleasure thanking their lord for
the good disposition he showed towards Your Majesty's
service; and, giving them some small presents I sent them
back, very contented, accompanied by the Spaniards
who had come with them. They left full of admiration
at beholding the bridge, which contributed largely
towards the confidence which afterwards prevailed, for,
as their country lies among lakes and swamps they
might have taken refuge among them, but, seeing that
work, they were convinced that nothing was impossible
to us.

About this time, there also arrived a messenger from
the town of Santisteban del Puerto, on the River Panuco,
bringing me letters from the judges of those parts, and
with him came some four or five Indian messengers who
brought me letters from Temixtitan, Medellin, and the
town of Espiritu Santo, from which I was much pleased
to learn that they were well, although I had no news from
the factor and the inspector, for they had not yet arrived
at Temixtitan.

The day after the Indians and Spaniards who were
going ahead to Acalan had left, I started, with the rest
of the people, to follow in the same direction. I slept
one night in the woods, and the next day, a little after
noon, we arrived at the plantations and farms of the
Province of Acalan, from which we were still separated
by a large morass, the crossing of which gave us much
trouble, though we accomplished it by making a detour

Fifth Letter 257

of about a league, leading our horses by their bridles.
About the hour of vespers, we reached the first village,
called Ticatepelt, whose inhabitants we found living
comfortably in their houses and showing no signs of
fear; they had plenty of food, both for the men and
horses, so that we were completely refreshed and forgot
our past troubles. We rested six days, during which time
a youth, of attractive appearance and well attended,
visited me and told me that he was the son of the lord of
that country; and he brought me some gold and birds,
offering himself and his country for Your Majesty's
service, saying that his father had lately died. I sym-
pathised over the death of his father, although I per-
ceived that he was not telling me the truth, and I gave
him a collar of Flemish beads which I was wearing on
my neck and which he greatly esteemed, after which I
told him to leave with God's blessing; but he remained
two days longer of his own free will.

One of the natives of Ticatepelt who claimed to be the
chief told me that there was in the neighbourhood another
village, also belonging to him, where I would Human
find better lodging and more abundant sup- Sacrifices
plies, for it was larger and more populous, and sug-
gested, also, that, if I went thither, I would be more
comfortable; so I at once accepted his proposal, and
ordered him to have the road cleared by his men,
and lodgings prepared, all of which was done as I
wished; and we went to that town, which is six
leagues from here, and found the people tranquil, and a
certain quarter vacated for our lodging. It is a beautiful
town, called Teutiercas by the natives, and has very
handsome mosques or houses for idols wherein we es-
tablished ourselves, throwing out their gods, at which
the natives showed little concern; for I had already
spoken to them and explained their errors and that there
was only one God, the Creator of all things. Afterwards

258 Letters of Cortes

I spoke more fully to the principal chief and to all of
them together, and I learned from them that the prin-
cipal one of these two mosques was dedicated to a goddess
in whom they had faith and hope, and that they sacrificed
only the most beautiful virgins to her, for otherwise she
would be angry with them, and therefore they took special
care to search for such as would satisfy her; and they
reared the most beautiful ones from childhood for this
purpose. I spoke of this horrible cruelty in which the
devil with his arts had taken them, and I also told them
what seemed to be necessary; and they appeared to be
satisfied.

The chief of the town showed himself my great friend
and held much conversation with me, giving me a full
The Chief account and description of the Spaniards, for
Apaspolon whom I was going to search, and the road I
should take ; and he told me in great secrecy, praying that
no one should know that he had informed me, that
Apaspolon, lord of all that province, was alive, though
he had sent to say that he was dead ; the young man who
came to see me was his son and had been sent to misdirect
me so that I might not see his country and towns. He
gave me this information out of friendship, and because of
the good treatment he had received from me, 'but prayed
me that this should be kept strictly secret, for, if it became
known that he had informed me, the lord would kill him
and burn his town. I thanked him very much, and re-
warded his good will with some small presents, and pro-
mised to keep the secret as he asked me to do; I also
promised him that as time went on he would be well re-
warded by me in Your Majesty's name.

I immediately sent for the son of Apaspolon and told
him that I marvelled very much that his father should
have refused to come knowing as he did my good dis-
position towards all of them and my wish to honour them
and make them presents, for I had received good treat-

Fifth Letter 259

ment in their country and greatly desired to repay them ;
but I knew for certain that he was alive and I prayed
him to go and call him and to persuade him to come and
see me, for he might be sure that he would be benefited
by so doing. The son told me that it was true he was
alive, and that if he had denied this to me, it was because
he had been commanded to do so by his father; but that
he would go and endeavour to bring him; and he be-
lieved that he would come, for he desired to know me,
feeling sure I had not come thither to harm him, but on
the contrary to give presents to him and his people.
He would have come before except that, as he had given
himself out as dead, he was now ashamed to appear
before me. I besought the youth to go and use every
means to bring him; and thus it was done, and the next
day both came. I received them with much pleasure,
the chief excusing himself because he had not known
my disposition; and he said that now, having learnt it,
he desired greatly to see me, and that it was true he had
ordered me to be misdirected away from his towns, but
that now he prayed me to come to the principal one where
he resided, as there he had better arrangements for
providing me and my people with everything we required.
He immediately ordered a broad road to be opened
thither, and, the next day, we left together; and I ordered
one of my horses to be given him, on which he rode very
happily till we reached the town, called Izancanac, which
is quite large, and has many mosques, and is situated on
the borders of a great lagoon which traverses the country
as far as the ports of Terminos, Xicalango, and Tabasco;
some of the people of this town were absent and others
stopped in their houses. We found a great store of pro-
visions, and Apaspolon remained with me in my lodging,
though he had his own household close by. As long as
I remained at Izancanac, he rendered me service, and
gave me a lengthy account of the Spaniards I sought,

260 Letters of Cortes

pointing out to me on a drawing of cloth the road I ought
to take. He also gave me some gold and women without
my asking for them, and I declare that up till now I have
never asked the chiefs of these parts for anything unless
they first offered it. We had to cross that lagoon before
which extended the large morass; the chief ordered a
bridge to be made over it, and provided as many
canoes as were necessary for crossing the morass, and
gave me guides for the road. He also gave me canoes
and guides to accompany the Spaniards who had brought
the letters and messages from Santisteven del Puerto,
as well as several others for the Indians who were re-
turning to Mexico and to the provinces of Tabasco and
Xicalango. I sent letters again by these Spaniards to
the authorities of the different towns and the lieutenants
whom I had left in this city, as well as to the ships at
Tabasco, and for the Spaniards who were to bring the
provisions instructing each and every one of them what
they were to do. Having despatched all these, I gave
the chief certain small presents which he esteemed, and
leaving him entirely satisfied, and all the people reassured,
I left that province on the first Sunday of Lent in the
year 1525.

That day, we accomplished only the crossing of the
lagoon, which was no small thing. I gave this lord a
letter because he begged me to do so, as, in case any
Spaniards should come there later, they would thus
learn that I had passed there and considered him my
friend.

An event happened in this province which it is well
Your Majesty should know. An honourable citizen of
Death of Temixtitan, by name Mexicalcingo, but now
Quauhtem- called Cristobal, came to me one night pri-
otzin vately, bringing certain drawings on a piece

of the paper used in that country, and explained to
me what it meant. He told me that Guatemucin,

Fifth Letter 261

whom, on account of his turbulent nature, I hold
a prisoner since the capture of this city (always carry-
ing him, as well as the other chiefs and lords whom I
considered the cause of revolt in the country with me)
was conspiring against me. Besides Guatemucin there was
Guanacaxin, the King of Texcuco, and Tetepangucal,
the King of Tacuba, and a certain Tacatelz who had
lived formerly in Mexico in the quarter of Tatelulco,
who all had many times conversed among themselves
and told this Mexicalcingo how they had been dispossessed
of their land and authority and were ruled over by the
Spaniards, and that it would be well to seek some remedy
so that they might recover their authority and posses-
sions ; and, in speaking thus, during this expedition, they
had thought the best way would be to kill me and my
people, and afterwards to call on the natives of these
provinces to rise and kill Cristobal de Olid and all his
people. After that they would send their messengers to
Temixtitan to incite the people to kill all the Spaniards,
which thing they thought could easily be done as many
were newly arrived and untrained to warfare. After
that, they would raise the whole country, and kill all
the Spaniards wherever they might be found, putting
strong garrisons of natives in all the seaports so that none
might escape, nor any vessel coming from Castile take
back the news. By these means, they would rule again
as before, and they had already distributed the different
provinces amongst themselves, giving one to this same
Mexicalcingo. I gave many thanks to our Lord for
having revealed this treachery to me, and, at daybreak,
I imprisoned all those lords, each one by himself, and
then inquired of them one by one about the plot; and
to each I said that the others had told it to me (for they
could not speak with one another). Thus they were all
constrained to confess that it was true that Guatemucin
and Tetepanguecal had invented the plot, and that,

262 Letters of Cortes

though the others had heard it, they had never consented
to take part. 1 These two, therefore, were hanged, and
I set the others free because it appeared they were to
blame for nothing more than having listened to it, although

* The Indian version of Quauhtemotzin's execution, given by Tor-
quemada, who copied it from a Mexican MS., is quite different from
the one Cortes gives the Emperor. Cohuanocox, King of Texcoco,
spoke privately at Izancanac with his fellow prisoners, saying that
were their people not what they were, their Kings would not be so
easily reduced to slavery and marched about behind the Spanish
commander, and that it would in reality be easy enough to repay
Cortes for burning Quauhtemotzin's feet. At this point the others
stopped him, but a Mexican, who is called Mexicalcin by early writers
and was baptised as Christopher had overheard and reported the
words to Cortes, who, without more ado hanged the three Princes
that night on a Ceiba tree. Torquemada expresses the opinion that
Cortes was weary of guarding the royal captives, and yet dared not
free them, and was glad to use the first pretext to kill them.

Bernal Diaz states that both Quauhtemotzin and Tetepanquezatl
protested their entire innocence, and that all the Spaniards disap-
proved of the execution.

Cortes dared much, and there was little articulate public opinion
in Mexico whose voice he could not control, but it is doubtful if he
would have dared to hang the last three Kings on such vague charges
reported by a camp servant, with all Mexico looking on. This, the
blackest deed of his life, was done in an obscure part of a remote
wilderness.

It were not strange that the royal captives should have talked of
their misfortunes and sufferings, when they thought they were alone,
or have discussed how it all might have been prevented, or even re-
paired, but it is a far cry from such communings over their camp-fire
to the organisation of a plot to kill their captor and raise a general
insurrection against the Spaniards. There seems no discoverable
justification for this barbarous and treacherous act. It needed no
gift of prophecy for Quauhtemotzin to foresee his fate when he fell
into Cortes's hands, and the choice he then expressed for immediate
death proved that he cherished no illusions as to what the future held
for him. Prescott, in describing the inglorious end of the last Aztec
Emperor, says: "might we not rather call him the last of the Aztecs,
since from this time, broken in spirit and without a head, the remnant
of the nation resigned itself almost without a struggle to the stern
yoke of its oppressors ? "

It is said that Cortes was disquieted in his conscience after this
"execution," and for a long time could not sleep. The murdered
captives were: Quauhtemotzin, Emperor of Mexico; Cohuanacox;

Fifth Letter 263

this alone was sufficient for them to deserve death; their
case, however, remains open so that at any time they
relapse they may be punished accordingly, though it is
not probable that they will again conspire, for they
think that I discovered this by some magic, and that
nothing can be hidden from me; for they have noticed
that to direct the making of the road I often consult the
map and the compass, especially when the road approaches
the sea, and they have often said to the Spaniards that
they believed I learnt it by that compass; also they
have sometimes said, wishing to assure me of their good
disposition, that I might know their honest intentions by
looking into the glass and on the map, and that there I
would see their sincerity since I knew everything by this
means. I also allowed them to think that this was true.
This province of Acalan is very large, and well popu-
lated ; many of its towns were visited by my Spaniards. It
abounds in honey and other products and there are many
merchants who trade in different places and who are rich
in slaves and merchandise. It is completely surrounded
by lagoons, all of which extend to the bay and port
called Los Terminos, by means of which they carry on a
considerable trade by water with Xiculango and Tabasco.
It is believed, also, though the exact truth is not known,
that the lagoons extend to the other sea, thus making the
country known as Yucatan an island : I shall endeavour to
ascertain the secret of this so as to inform Your Majesty
truthfully about it. According to what I learn, they

King of Texcoco; Tetlepanquetzal, King of Tlacopan; Oquizi,
King of Atzcapotzalco ; Vehichilzi, brother of Quauhtemotzin and
King of Michuacan; and the two Indian Generals, Xihmocoatl and
Tlacatle. Humboldt (Essai Polity lib. iii., cap. viii.) describes an
Indian picture-writing, representing the hanging of these prisoners
by their feet to prolong their sufferings, which he saw in Mexico.

Quauhtemotzin's widow, Princess Tecuichpo, who was a daughter
of Montezuma, had already had one husband, Cuitlahuatzin, and,
afterwards married successively three different Spaniards.

264 Letters of Cortes

have no other lord save this Apaspolon, whom I have
mentioned above to Your Majesty, and he is the richest
trader and has the greatest shipping traffic of anybody.
His commerce is very extensive, and at Nito, a town
of which I will hereafter speak, and where I met the
Spaniards of Gil Gonzales de Avila's party, there is an
entire quarter peopled with his agents under command
of one of his brothers. The chief articles of merchandise
in those provinces are cacao, cotton cloth, colours for
dyeing, and a kind of stain with which they smear their
bodies to protect them against heat and cold; tar for
lighting purposes, resine from pines for the incensing
of their idols, slaves, and certain red beads of shells which
they greatly esteem for ornamenting their persons in
their feasts and festivities; they trade in some gold, which
is mixed with copper and other alloys.

To this Apaspolon, as well as to other notable persons
of the province who came to see me, I spoke as I had to
all the others on the road respecting their idols and what
they ought to do to save their souls, and to what they
were bound in Your Majesty's service. They appeared
to accept what I said with satisfaction, and they burned
many of their idols in my presence, saying that hence-
forth they would no longer honour them, and promising
that they would obey everything commanded of them
in Your Majesty's name; upon which I took my leave
of them and departed as I have said above.

Three days before leaving this province of Acalan,
I sent ahead four Spaniards, with two guides whom the
chief had given me, to explore the road to the province
of Mazatlan, which in their language is called Quiacho.
They had told me that for four days I would have to
cross the deserted country, sleeping in the forest, so I
ordered the men to inspect the country well, and see if
there were any rivers or swamps to cross; and at the
same time I directed that my people should take supplies

Fifth Letter 265

for six days so as not to be again in such another strait
as before. There being an abundance of everything, this
was done, and, five leagues beyond a certain lagoon which
we crossed, I met the four Spaniards who had explored
the road with the guides; and they told me they had
found a very good road, which, although it led through
the heart of the forest, was level and without rivers or
swamps to obstruct us, and that, without being seen
themselves, they had reconnoitred some villages where
they had seen people, and had then returned. I rejoiced
greatly at this news, and sent six active foot soldiers
ahead with some Indians, our friends, to keep always a
league in advance of those who were opening the road,
with orders that if they should meet any traveller, to
seize him so that we might arrive in the provinces un-
expected, for I wished to prevent the people from burning
and deserting their towns as those before them had done.

That day, they found two Indians, natives of Acalan,
near a lake, who said they were coming from Mazatlan
where they had traded salt for cotton clothing, which
indeed appeared, in a measure, to be true, for they were
loaded with clothing. When brought before me, and
asked if the people of that province knew about my com-
ing, they answered no, saying that they were all perfectly
quiet; so I told them they must return with me, and not
to be disturbed as they would lose nothing of what they
carried, but that, on the contrary, I would give them
more, and that upon our arrival at that province they
might return, for I was a great friend of all the natives
of Acalan, and had received great kindness from its lord
and people. They were quite willing to do this, and
returned, guiding us by another road than the one first
opened by my Spaniards, which led only to some plan-
tations, whereas theirs led directly to the towns.

We passed that night in the forest, and, the next day,
the Spaniards who went ahead as scouts met four natives

266 Letters of Cortes

of Mazatlan, with their bows and arrows, who were ap-
parently sentries on the road, and who, on the approach
of our people, wounded one of our men with their arrows,
after which they fled, and, the forest being so dense,
only one was captured; this one was given in charge
to three of my Indians, and the Spaniards ran on be-
lieving that there were more of them; but, no sooner had
the Spaniards gone, than the fugitives, who, as it appeared,
had concealed themselves close by, returned, and fell
upon our Indian friends who held their companion a
prisoner, and, fighting with them, they liberated him.
Mortified by this, our Indiars pursued their enemies
through the forest, and, having overtaken them, they
fought with them, and wounded one by a great gash in
the arm, taking him prisoner, while the others escaped,
for they perceived that some of our people were coming
up. I asked this Indian if his countrymen knew of my
coming, and he answered that they did not; I then asked
why he and his companions had been there as sentries,
and he answered that this was their custom, for they
were at war with some of their neighbours, and, to
protect their farms, the lord had ordered sentinels always
to be kept on the road to forestall any surprise. Having
learnt from him that the first village of that province
was near at hand, I made all possible haste to arrive
there before any of his companions who had fled should
give the alarm, and I ordered those of my people who
went ahead to stop as soon as they came in sight of the
plantations and to hide themselves in the forest until I
arrived.

When I came to the place, it was already late, so I
made haste, thinking we might reach the town that night,
but, perceiving that our baggage train was somewhat
scattered, I ordered a captain, with twenty horsemen,
to remain at the plantations and collect the bearers as
they came up, and, after sleeping there with them, to

Fifth Letter 267

follow my trail. I took a narrow path through the
forest which was level and straight enough, but through
such a dense growth that I walked leading my horse;
and all my people followed me, one behind the other, in
like manner. We marched in this wise until nightfall,
when we were stopped by a morass which could not be
traversed without first making some preparations; seeing
which, I gave orders which were passed from one man to
the other to return to a small cabin we had passed in the
evening, and there we spent the night, though neither
we nor the horses had any water.

The next morning, after preparing the morass with
branches of trees so as to pass it, we crossed, though
with much difficulty, leading our horses, and, three
leagues beyond the place where we had passed the night,
we beheld a town built upon a hill. Thinking that we
had not been seen, I approached it with caution, and
found it was so completely closed round that we could
discover no entrance. At last we discovered one, but
found the town abandoned, though full of provisions
of all kinds, such as maize, fowls, honey, beans, and other
products of the country, for, as the inhabitants were
taken by surprise, they had no time to carry off their
provisions which, as it was a fortified town, were very
plentiful. The town is situated upon a lofty rock, having
a great lake on one side and on the other a deep stream
which empties into the lake; there is but one accessible
entrance, and all is surrounded by a deep moat behind
which there is a palisade, breast high; and beyond this
palisade there is an enclosure of very thick planks, two
fathoms high, with loop-holes at all points from which
to shoot arrows; its watch towers rise seven or eight
feet higher than the said wall, which was also provided
with towers, on the top of which were many stones with
which to fight from above. All the houses of the town
had loop-holes and were fortified, while the streets were

268 Letters of Cortes

provided in the best possible manner; I speak with
reference to the kind of arms with which they fight.

I sent some of the natives to search for the inhabitants
of the town, and they brought me two or three whom I
Arrival then sent, accompanied by one of those traders
at Tiac from Acalan whom I had captured on the road,
to rind the chief, and to tell him in my name not to be
frightened ; for I had not come to do him or his people any
harm, but rather to help him in the wars he was carrying
on, so as to leave him and his country in a state of peace
and security. Two days later, the messengers returned,
bringing with them an uncle of the lord of the country
who was governing during his nephew's minority; the
lord himself did not come, for he said he was afraid, but
I spoke to the uncle and reassured him, after which he
escorted me to another village of the same province,
seven leagues further on, called Tiac, which was much
larger than the former and equally well fortified, though
not so strong since it was situated in a plain. Like the
other town, it had strong palisades, a deep moat, and
watch towers, and each of the three quarters into which
it was divided had its own fortifications, while the whole
was encircled by an outer wall stronger than the others.
I had sent to this village two companies of cavalry and
one of foot soldiers each under a captain, but upon their
arrival they found it entirely deserted, though full of
provisions ; my men, however, managed to capture seven
or eight natives near by, some of whom they had set at
liberty so that they might go and speak to their chief,
and tranquillise the people. They succeeded so well in
this that, before my arrival at the place, its chief had
already sent messengers with a present of provisions and
cotton clothing.

After I arrived, the natives returned at two different
times to bring us food and to speak with us, not only
on the part of the lord of this town, but also on behalf

Fifth Letter 269

of five or six others in this province, each of whom was
independent, and everyone of whom offered himself as
vassal of Your Majesty and our friend, though I never
could induce those lords to come and see me. As I had
no time to waste, I sent them word that I received them
in Your Highness 's name and asked them to furnish
me guides for my journey; this they did very willingly,
giving me one who not only knew the country as far as
the town where the Spaniards were whom I came to
search for, but had also seen them. Thereupon I left
the town of Tiac, sleeping that night at another, called
Yasuncabil, which is the last in the province; this was
surrounded by palisades, as the other two, but deserted.
We found there a most beautiful house of the chief built
entirely of straw. We provided ourselves there with
everything required for the march, for the guide told
us we had five days' journey in the desert before reaching
the Province of Taiza which we had to traverse; and it
turned out that this was true.

In this Province of Mazatlan, or Quiatcho as it is called,
I dismissed the two traders whom I had stopped on the
road, as well as the guides from Acalan, giving them some
presents, both for themselves, and for their chief, so
they went off very contented. I also dismissed to his
home the chief of the first town who had come with me,
giving him some of his women who had been captured
in the forest; I also gave him some other small presents
at which he was much pleased.

Having left the Province of Mazatlan, I continued my
march towards that of Taiza sleeping four nights on the
road in that deserted country. My way led Cortes Ar-
over high and rocky mountains, and I had to rives at
cross a dangerous pass of which all the rocks Peten"Itza
were of very fine alabaster, hence I named it Puerto del
Alabastro. On the fifth day, the scouts who went ahead
with the guides discovered a great lake which seemed to

270 Letters of Cortes

be an arm of the sea and so large and deep is it that, al-
though its waters are fresh, I even believe that it is so.1
On a small island in this lake there stood a town which
the guides said was the chief one of the Province of Taiza
and that if we wished to reach it we could do so only in ca-
noes; hearing this the Spaniards remained there keeping
watch while one returned to report to me what had hap-
pened. I halted the people, and went ahead on foot to see
that lake and its situation, and, upon arriving at that place,
I found my scouts had succeeded in capturing an Indian,
belonging to the town on the island, who, carrying arms,
had come in a very small canoe to reconnoitre the road;
and though taken by surprise he would have escaped had
not one of our dogs overtaken him before he could spring
into the water. I learned from this Indian that his
countrymen knew nothing about my arrival. I asked
him whether there was any way to reach the town on the
island, and he answered that there was none, but that
not far distant there was a narrow arm of the lake on the
other side of which were some plantations and houses,
and that, if we succeeded in reaching there without being
seen, we were sure to find canoes. I immediately sent
to order the people to follow me, and, accompanied by
ten or twelve crossbowmen, I went on foot with the In-
dian and crossed a great stretch of swamp up to our
waists in water, and sometimes even higher. In this
manner, we reached the plantations, bu1, as the road
was bad, and we could not always conceal ourselves, we
had already been seen and when we got there the in-
habitants were hastily taking to their canoes on the lake
shore.

I marched along the shores for about two thirds of a

1 This lake, some twelve leagues in length, was called by the
natives Hohuken meaning "the mighty drinker," and is now known
as Peten-Itza. Peten meaning lake, and Itza being the name of a
Maya tribe. Needless to add that Cortes was wrong in thinking it
was joined to the ocean.

Fifth Letter 271

league, passing plantations and houses; but everywhere
we had been detected and the inhabitants were escaping
in their canoes. It was already late, and I considered
it useless to follow them, so I ordered my people to halt
and camp at those plantations, taking the best pre-
cautions possible; for the guide of Mazatlan told me the
people were numerous and warlike and much feared by
all their neighbours. The guide then offered to go in
that little canoe in which the Indian had come, and cross
to that town on the island, a good two leagues distant
where he would speak to the lord, whom he knew
very well, and who is called Canec, telling him my
intentions and the reason of my coming to his country,
with which he himself was perfectly acquainted as he had
accompanied me. He believed that the chief would be
perfectly reassured and would believe what he told him,
for he was well known to him and had often been in his
house. I immediately gave him the canoe belonging
to the Indian who had come in it, and, thanking him for
his offer, I promised that if he carried it out successfully
I would reward him to his entire satisfaction; and thus
he went, and returned at midnight bringing with him
two distinguished persons of the town who said they
were sent by their lord to see me, and to inform them-
selves about what my messenger had said, and to learn
what I wished. I received them very well, and made
them some small presents, telling them that I had come
to those countries by order of Your Majesty for the pur-
pose of seeing them, and to acquaint the lords and chiefs
of the land with matters touching Your Royal service
and their own welfare; that I desired them to tell their
lord to come and see me without fear, and proposed that,
if he hesitated, one of my Spaniards should go to the
island as a hostage during the time their chief was with
me. They took back this message, accompanied by the
guide, and one of thaniare Spds; and, the next day, the

272 Letters of Cortes

chief, himself, escorted by about thirty men in five or
six canoes came bringing with him the Spaniard I had
given as a hostage. He seemed much pleased at meeting
me, and I received him very well.

As it was the hour of mass when he arrived, I ordered
it sung with great solemnity, accompanied by clarions
and sackbuts to which he listened with great attention,
observing all the ceremonies; and, when mass was finished,
one of the Franciscan friars whom I had with me, preached
a sermon which was translated by the interpreter so that
he could easily understand, touching the matters of our
Faith, and giving him to understand with many argu-
ments how there was but one God, and the error of his
sect. The chief displayed much satisfaction, and de-
clared that he wished to destroy his idols immediately,
and to believe in that God of whom we had spoken, and
that he desired to know how he was to serve and honour
Him, and that if I wished to come to his town I should
see that he would burn the idols in my presence; and he
desired that I should leave a cross in his town, as he had
been told I had left one in all the towns through which
I passed.

After this sermon, I again spoke to him, explaining
Your Majesty's greatness and how he and all living
creatures were the natural subjects and vassals of Your
Imperial Highness, and bound to your service; that to
those who did so Your Majesty granted all manner of
favours which I, in Your Royal name, had dispensed
to all those who had offered themselves to Your Royal
service and placed themselves under Your Royal rule;
I promised the same or greater to him. He answered
that, until then, he had never recognised anyone as su-
perior, nor had he known that there was any such one;
that it was true that some five or six years ago some
people from Tabasco passing through his country had
told him how a captain with certain people of our nation

Fifth Letter 273

had been there and vanquished them in three battles,
after which they had been told that they must become
vassals of a great lord and many other things like what
I was now telling him. He wanted to know therefore
whether it was all one and the same thing. I answered
him that I was the captain of whom the people of Ta-
basco had spoken as having fought with them in their
country, of which he might assure himself from the inter-
preter with whom he was speaking, who is Marina whom
I have always had with me since she was presented to
me with twenty other women. She explained every-
thing to him and how I had conquered Mexico, and told
him of all the countries I had subjected and placed under
the Empire of Your Majesty. He rejoiced greatly on learn-
ing this and said he desired to become a subject and
vassal of Your Majesty, considering it a joy to be under
so great a lord as I told him Your Highness was. He
ordered birds, honey, and some gold, and beads made
of red shells, which they highly prize, to be brought, and
these he offered to me as a present, while I in return
gave him some things I had brought with me, which he
received with great pleasure.

After having dined with me, I explained how I came
in search of those Spaniards who were on the sea coast,
and who belonged to my company, and had been sent
thither by me; and that many days had passed without
news from them, and hence I came to seek them; and I
besought him to tell me if he had any news of them. He
answered that he knew a great deal about them, because,
not far from the place where they were, he had certain
vassals who worked the plantations of cacao, for that
country was favourable to its growth; from them, and
from many other traders who daily went to and fro, he
constantly received news about them, and would give
me a guide to take me to where they were. He told me,
however, that the road was very rough, the mountains

VOL. II— 18

274 Letters of Cortes

very high and rocky, and that it would be less fatiguing
to go by sea. I replied that he could see for himself
that, on account of the numerous people and baggage
and horses I had, there would not be sufficient boats, and
therefore I was compelled to go by land; I asked him,
however, to give me the means of crossing that lake,
to which he replied that, about three leagues from the
place where we were, the lake became shallow, and, by
skirting it, I could reach the road opposite his village;
but he begged me that, as my people were coming round
the lake, I would accompany him in his canoe to visit
his town and house where he wished to burn the idols
and have a cross made for him. To please him, although
it was against the will of my people, I embarked, with
about twenty of my men, most of them archers, in his
canoe and went to his town with him, where I spent the
rest of the day in festivity. At nightfall, I took leave
of him, and he gave me a guide with whom I entered
the canoe and returned to sleep on land, where I met
many of my people who had come round the lake to a
place where we passed the night. In this town, or rather
at the plantations, I left a horse which got a splinter in
his foot and was unable to go on; the chief promised to
cure it but I do not know what he will do with him. l
The next day, collecting my people, I set out,

i The fate of this animal was indeed a strange one. Villagutierra
(in his Hist, de la Conquista del Itza) relates that some Franciscan
monks who visited Peten-Itza in 1697, with Don Martin Ursua, landed
with the intention of building a church on the island, and found there
a large temple in which stood the image of a horse very well carved in
stone. They discovered that Cortes's lame horse became an object
of great veneration to the natives who fed him on flowers, birds, and
similar delicacies with the natural result that the poor animal starved
to death, after which he was ranked amongst the native deities and
worshipped under the title of T ziminchak , god of thunder and lightning.
It would appear from this that the Christian doctrines had not
been so clearly understood by the chief and his people as Cortes
imagined.

Fifth Letter 275

accompanied by the guides, and, about a half a league
from our camping place, I came upon a small plain
where there were some huts, beyond which Departure
was a small forest extending for about a league from

and a half ; after which we again reached some Peten-itza
beautiful plains, covered with grass, from which point
I sent ahead some horsemen and foot soldiers with
orders to stop and seize any natives they might find
on their way, for the guides had told us we would
arrive near a village that same night. We found these
I plains abounding in deer, so we hunted all that day on
horseback, and speared eighteen of them, though, owing
to the heat and the fact that our horses were in bad con-
dition from the previous journey through mountainous
and swampy districts, two of them died, and many others
were in great danger. Our hunting finished, we con-
tinued our route, and, after a little while, I met some of
the scouts ahead who had captured four Indian hunters,
these latter having just killed a lion and some iguanas,
a species of large lizard which are common in the island
[lucerta eguana]. I learned from the hunters that their
townsmen knew nothing about me, and they then pointed
out to me the plantations from which they came, which
were visible about one league and a half from where we
were. I hastened thither, thinking I might arrive with-
out difficulty, but, just as I thought I was about to enter
the village, and could see the people moving about in it,
we came upon a large lagoon which seemed to me very
deep, and so I was delayed. I called to the Indians, and
two of them came in a canoe, bringing about a dozen
chickens, and approaching very near to where I was on
horseback, standing in water up to the girths; but, al-
though I remained talking with them quite a while, and
trying to persuade them to approach the shore, they
were afraid to do this, but rather retreated, and began
to withdraw in their canoes to their town. The Spaniard

276 Letters of Cortes

who was on horseback by my side spurred his horse
through the waters and swam after them, which so
frightened them that they abandoned their canoes, upon
which some foot soldiers swam quickly after them and
captured them. All the people we had seen in the town
had completely deserted it. I asked those Indians where
we could cross, and they showed me a road where, by a
roundabout march of about a league, we would find a
passage; so that we went that night to sleep in that town.
It is eight leagues from our starting place, and is called
Checan, and the name of its chief is Amohan.

I remained four days collecting supplies enough for
six days more, for which time the guide told me we would
march through a desert, and also waiting to see if the
chief of the town, whom I had sent to call, would come,
for I had assured him through those Indians I had cap-
tured; but neither he nor they appeared. Having col-
lected all the provisions obtainable there, I left, and
marched, the first day, through a very level and beautiful
country, with no forests, save now and then. And,
having travelled six leagues, we reached the foot of a
great mountain range where we found a large house and
two or three smaller ones situated near a river, all sur-
rounded by maize plantations; the guides told me that
the house belonged to Amohan, the chief of Checan, who
kept it as an inn for the many traders passing that way.
I stopped there one day besides that of my arrival,
as it was a festival, and also because I wished to give the
scouts who went ahead time to clear the road. We
had very excellent fishing in the river near Checan,
where we found a large number of shad which we took
without difficulty, not one of those which entered the
nets escaping.

The following day, we marched seven leagues through
a rough and mountainous country, and spent the night
on the banks of a large river. On the next day,

Fifth Letter 277

after about three leagues of very bad road, we reached
a beautiful plain without woods, except a few pines;
we killed seven deer in these plains, which extended
for about two leagues, and we dined on the banks of
a very fresh stream that flows through them. After
dinner, we began to ascend a mountain pass, which,
though small, was rough enough so that we had to lead
our horses with some difficulty; and, after the descent, we
again found half a league of plain, beyond which there
was another mountain pass which was about two and
a half leagues long, and so rough that there was not a
horse left but that had lost his shoes. I slept at the foot
of the pass near a stream, where I remained the next day
until about the hour of vespers, waiting for the horses
to be shod; and, although I had two smiths, and more
than ten who helped drive the nails, they could not all
be shod that day. So I went to sleep, three leagues far-
ther on, while many Spaniards remained there, some to
shoe their horses, and others to wait for the baggage,
which, on account of the bad road and the heavy rains,
had not come up.

I left there the next day because the guide told me that
there was a hamlet, called Asuncapin, close by belonging to
the lord of Taiza, where I would arrive in plenty of time
to sleep; after marching four or five leagues we reached
the said hamlet, and found it deserted; and there I
lodged two days, waiting for the baggage and gathering
provisions. This being accomplished, I went to a hamlet,
called Taxuytel, where I slept, and which is five leagues
from Tiaza, and belongs to Amohan the Lord of Checan;
there were many cacao plantations and some of maize,
although in smaller quantities and still green. Here the
guides and the chief of these hamlets, whom we captured
with his wife and his son, told me that we would have to
cross a chain of high and rocky mountains all uninhabited,
and that, after this, we would arrive at some other

278 Letters of Cortes

hamlets, belonging to Canec, lord of Taiza, which were
called Tenciz.

We did not stop here long, but departed the next day,
and, having traversed about six leagues of level country,
The Danger- we began to ascend the mountain pass, which
ous Pass is one of the most marvellous things in the
world to behold; for were I to try to describe its
roughness and difficulties I would entirely fail to
make anybody understand me. But, that Your Ma-
jesty may have some idea, I will say that, in cross-
ing the eight leagues of this mountain pass, we spent
twelve days, I mean until we reached the uttermost
end of it; during which time, sixty-eight horses were
lost by falling over precipices and being hamstrung,
while all the others were so fatigued and injured that we
hardly thought we could ever use them again, and more
than three months passed before they were fit for service.
During all the ascent of this dreadful pass, it poured rain
day and night, but such was the character of the moun-
tains that the water never collected anywhere so that
we could drink it, and hence we suffered greatly from
thirst and our horses perished on account of it; indeed,
had it not been that we collected water in copper kettles
and other vessels while camping in the ranches and huts
we made to shelter us, not a man or horse would have
escaped alive. During this crossing, a nephew of mine fell
and broke his leg in three or four places, and, aside from
the suffering he endured, this increased our difficulties,
because we had to carry him.

Our troubles were not yet at an end ; for, about a league
before reaching the hamlets of Tenciz, which, as I said
before, are on the other side of the mountains, we were
stopped by a very large river, so swollen by the recent
rains that it was impossible to cross it. The Spaniards
who had gone ahead had followed up the river and found
the most marvellous ford which has ever been seen or

Fifth Letter 279

thought of, for the river spread out for upwards of two
thirds of a league, owing to certain large rocks, between
the crevices of which the water flows with most frightful
force. There are many places where the rocks lie so
close together that we managed to cross by cutting down
large trees and laying them from one rock to another
and holding fast by creepers which were tied from one
side to the other, for had anyone lost his footing and
fallen he would have been certainly lost. There were
more than twenty of these channels to cross, so that it
took us two days, and the horses crossed lower down
where the current wTas less swift ; but though the distance
to Tenciz was only one league, as I said before, many of
them were three days in arriving there; such was their
broken-down condition after their march across the
mountains that my men were almost obliged to carry
them, for they could scarcely walk.

I reached Tenciz on the day before Easter ! though
many of my people did not arrive until three days after-
wards ; I mean those who had horses and had Easter Day
been delayed in looking after them. The 1525

Spaniards whom I had sent ahead had arrived two
days before me, and, taking possession of two or
three of the above mentioned hamlets, had captured
some twenty odd Indians, who, being unaware of my
presence in those parts, had been surprised. I asked
them if they had any provisions, and they said no;
nor could any be found in all the country, which
considerably augmented our misfortunes, as, during
the past ten days, we had eaten nothing except
cores of palm trees and palmettos, and even of these we
had not enough, so that we were so weak we had scarcely
the strength to cut them down. One of the chiefs, how-
ever, told me that, by ascending the river a day's journey
(which river had again to be crossed at the same dangerous

1 Easter fell in the year 1525, on May 15th.

280 Letters of Cortes

spot) there was the large town of a province, called
Tahuyecal, where we would find abundant provisions
of maize, cacao, and fowls, and that he would give us a
guide to lead us there. I immediately sent one of my
captains with thirty foot soldiers and more than one
thousand of the Indians who came with us thither, and
our Lord was pleased that they should find a great abun-
dance of maize, and plenty of people, so that we supplied
ourselves, although it was with difficulty on account of
the distance.

From this hamlet, I sent certain crossbowmen with a
native guide to explore the road we were to take to the
province, called Acuculin; and they reached a village
of the said province some ten leagues from where I had
stopped and six from the chief town of the province,
whose lord is called Acahuilguin. They arrived there
unnoticed, and in one house they surprised seven men
and a woman, whom they brought to me, saying that
though the road they had taken was bad and somewhat
rough, it appeared to them very good in comparison
with that over which we had come. I questioned the
Indian prisoners to obtain information about the Chris-
tians whom I sought, and one of them, who was a native
of Acalan, told me that he was a trader, having his prin-
cipal trade in the town of Nito where those Spaniards
lived, that there was a large traffic carried on there by
merchants from all parts of the country, and that his
own people of Acalan lived in a quarter of their own,
having as their chief a brother of Apaspolon, the
lord of Acalan. He said that the Christians had
come there one night, captured the town, and robbed
the inhabitants of all they had, besides much valuable
merchandise belonging to traders from all parts who
were in the town. In consequence of this, which had
happened about the year before, the people had aban-
doned the place and gone to other provinces, while he

Fifth Letter 281

and certain other traders of Acalan had obtained per-
mission from Acahuilguin, the lord of Acuculin, to settle
in his country. Here he [Acahuilguin] had given them
a small town in which they lived and whence they carried
on their trade, although it was entirely ruined after the
Spaniards had come there, for there was but that one
road and nobody ventured to use it. He said he would
guide me, but that we would be obliged to cross a large
inlet of the sea and many difficult mountain chains, alto-
gether a ten days' journey.

I rejoiced greatly at having found so good a guide,
and treated him well, instructing the guides I had brought
from Mazatlan and Taiza to tell him how well I had treated
them, and that I was a great friend of Apaspolon, their
lord. This increased his confidence in me, and I ven-
tured to set him and all his companions free, trusting him
to such an extent that I discharged the guides whom
I had brought thus far, giving them some small presents
for themselves and for their chiefs, and thanking them for
their services; after which they left me well satisfied. I
ordered four men from Acuculin and two chosen among
the inhabitants of Tenciz to go ahead with a message
from me to the lord of Acuculin, and encourage him
to await me; and after them there followed other In-
dians to open the road. The scarcity of provisions and
the want of rest, both for the men and horses, delayed
me two days longer at that place, after which I departed,
leading most of our horses until we reached a place where
we passed the night. At daybreak we found that the man
who was to have been our guide and all his companions
had gone, and God knows how I regretted having dis-
missed the others. I marched ahead however, and slept
in a forest, five leagues distant from there; and on the
road we encountered such rough places that the only
one of my horses which had held out was disabled by a
fall and has not yet recovered.

282 Letters of Cortes

The next day, I marched six leagues and crossed two
rivers, one of which we crossed on a tree which had fallen
spanning it ; the horses swam across and two mares were
drowned ; we crossed the other river in canoes, the horses
swimming. I slept in a small town of about fifteen newly
built houses which I learned belonged to the merchants
of Acalan who had left the town where the Christians
were and had settled here. I waited there a day to col-
lect the men and baggage, then I sent two companies
of horsemen and one of foot soldiers in the direction of
Acuculin ; from there they wrote me that they had found
the place deserted, but that in a large house, belonging
to the lord of the country, they had captured two men
who were waiting there, by command of their chief,
to advise him of my arrival as soon as they saw me. The
prisoners declared that their lord had heard of my coming
from those messengers whom I had sent from Tenciz,
and that he would rejoice to see me and come as soon
as he learnt that I had arrived. My men sent one to
summon the lord and to bring some provisions, while the
other they held as hostage. They said they had found
cacao but no maize, and that the pasture for the horses
was fairly good.

When I reached Acuculin, I immediately asked whether
the lord had arrived or the messenger returned, and they
answered that they had not, so I spoke to the hostage
and asked him why it was. He answered that he did
not know unless the lord was awaiting to hear that I
had arrived there, and that now he was aware of it he
would come. I waited one day, and, as he did not come,
I again spoke to the hostage ; and he said that he did not
know the reason, but that if I would give him some
Spaniards he knew where his lord was and would go with
them to call him. So ten Spaniards immediately left
with him, and he led them a good five leagues through
forests to some hamlets which they found empty, but

Fifth Letter 283

which, according to what the Spaniards said, had evi-
dently been recently occupied; and that night the guide
deserted them and they returned. Being left without
any guide, which was cause enough to double our troubles,
I sent squads of people, not only Spaniards, but also
Indians, in all directions through the province, and they
explored for eight consecutive days without meeting any
living creature, save some women, who were of little
use to our purpose, because neither did they know any
road, nor could they give any account of the lord of the
province. One of the women, however, said that she
knew of a town, two days' journey from there, called
Chianteco, where we would find people who could give
us news of those Spaniards whom we sought; for many
merchants lived in that town who traded everywhere.
So I immediately sent people thither with this woman
for a guide, and, although the town was two long days'
journey from where we were, and accessible only by a
rough and deserted road, the natives of it had already
heard of my coming and no guide could be secured. Our
Lord was pleased that, we being almost hopeless at finding
ourselves without a guide, and unable to use the compass
on account of being in the midst of forests so intricate,
and with no other road discoverable which led anywhere
save the one we had come on, should find in the forest a
lad of about fifteen years of age, who, being questioned,
said he would guide us as far as some hamlets of Taniha,
which is another province I remembered I had to cross,
and which he said was two days' journey from there. So
I departed with this guide, and reached News of the
those hamlets within two days, finding that Spaniards
the scouts who had gone ahead had taken an at Nlt0
old Indian there who guided them as far as the towns
of Taniha, which are another two days' journey
further on. Four Indians were captured in these
towns, and, as soon as I inquired of them, they gave

284 Letters of Cortes

me news of the Spaniards whom I sought, saying
they had seen them, and that they were two days' journey
from there in the same town, which I remembered and
which is called Nito. x This being a centre of much
trade amongst the merchants was very well known every-
where, and I had heard about it already in the Province
of Acalan, of which I have already spoken to Your
Majesty. They also brought two women, natives of the
said town Nito, who gave me further details; for they
told me they were in the town when the Christians cap-
tured it, and that they themselves were among the
prisoners taken when it was assaulted by night, and had
served the Christians whom they called by their names.
I cannot express to Your Majesty the great joy which
I and my people felt at the news these natives of Taniha
gave us, for we saw ourselves at the end of our perilous
journey. We had passed through innumerable troubles
during the four days march from Acuculin, owing to
the precipitous roads and rough mountainous passes
we had to cross. During this time, the few horses we
had left suffered falls, and my cousin, Juan de Avalon,
rolled down a mountain with his horse and broke his
arm 2 ; and, had it not been for the steel plates of his
armour which protected him from the stones, he would
have been dashed to pieces; and we had trouble enough
to get him up again. And there were many other mis-
fortunes, too many to be recounted, which befell us, es-
pecially through famine; for, although we had brought
from Mexico some swine, which were not as yet all con-
sumed, neither I nor my men, when we arrived at Taniha,
had tasted any bread for eight consecutive days ; our only
food was palmettos boiled with the meat and without

1 Nito and Naco are sometimes confused, but they are distinct
places: Nito is now called San Gil de Buena Vista, and the name of
Naco remains to a valley near Puerto Caballos.

2 A few pages back he describes his cousin's injuries as a broken
leg — "in three or four places."

Fifth Letter 285

salt, and the cores of palm trees. Neither did we find
any food in these towns of Taniha, for, being in the near
neighbourhood of the Spaniards, they were deserted,
although, had the natives known the miserable plight in
which I afterwards found the Spaniards, they might
have felt safe from being attacked by them. The news
that we were so near to them made us forget all our past
troubles and gave us courage to support our present ones,
which were not less great; especially that of hunger,
which was the worst of all, because even all those pal-
mettos without salt were in insufficient quantity, since they
had to be cut with such great difficulty from thick and
tall palm trees that it took two men a day's hard work
to cut what they could eat in an hour.

Those Indians who brought me news of the Spaniards
told me that, before reaching Nito, I would have two
days' march over a bad road, and that, near by, there
was a large river which could be crossed only in canoes,
for it was so wide, and the current so strong, that it would
be impossible to swim. Upon hearing this, I sent fifteen
Spaniards on foot in that direction, guided by one of
those Indians, and ordered them to explore the roads
and the river, and see if they could encounter any of those
Spaniards, and discover to what group or party the
settlers at Nito belonged, whether to those I had sent
with Cristobal de Olid, or to those of Francisco de las
Casas, or to those of Gil Gonzales de Avila. So they left,
and the Indian guided them to the said river, where they
took canoes from some traders and hid themselves there
for two days, at the end of which time four Spaniards
came in a canoe to fish. They seized them, not letting
any escape, nor had the people of the town noticed
the occurrence. When they were brought before me,
I learned that the people there belonged to Gil Gonzales
de Avila, and that they were all ill and almost starved
to death, so I immediately despatched, in that same

286 Letters of Cortes

canoe, two of my servants, to take a letter of mine to
the Spaniards, announcing my arrival and my intention
to cross that river by the ford, begging them to send me
all the canoes and boats they could to help my crossing.
I set out with all my people for the said ford of the river,
reaching it in three days ; and one Diego Nieto came there
and told me that he had been condemned to exile. He
brought me a boat and a canoe in which I embarked
with ten or twelve of my people, and crossed that night
to the town, though in great peril, for a strong wind
struck us in the crossing and as the river is very broad
just there at its mouth, we were in danger of being lost.
It pleased our Lord to bring us safely across.

The next day, I prepared another boat, which I found
in the harbour, by means of which and some other canoes
Cortes Ar- which I had tied securely two by two, I managed
rives at Nito to bring over the whole of the people and horses
within five or six days. The Spaniards whom I found there,
some seventy men and twenty women, brought thither
by Gil Gonzales de Avila, were in such a plight that it
excited the greatest compassion merely to behold them,
aside from seeing their rejoicing at my coming; for, of
a truth, had I not arrived, everyone would have perished.
For, besides being few, unarmed, and without horses, they
were very ill, suffering from want and starvation, as
their provisions from the island, and what they had
captured from the natives when they took the town,
were exhausted; they were in no condition to procure
any more, for they were settled on a sort of tongue of
land from which there was no issue, except by watre?
as we afterwards discovered, and they had never pene-
trated half a league into the country from where they
were. Seeing their great want, I determined to obtain
some relief, until means could be provided for sending
them back to the Islands, where they could recuperate,
for amongst them all there were not eight fit to remain

Fifth Letter 287

in the country in case they were left there . I immediately
sent some of my people, in five or six canoes and
two barques which they had there, in various directions
by sea to seek provisions.

The first expedition was to go to the mouth of a river,
called Yasa, about two leagues from that settlement, and
in the direction of the territory through which I had
come; for I had learned that there were well provisioned
towns thereabouts. Upon reaching the said river, they
ascended it some leagues and arrived at some very con-
siderable plantations; but the natives, seeing them ap-
proach, hastily concealed all their provisions in certain
houses, and, carrying their women and children and
goods and chattels, they all fled to the forest. When
the Spaniards arrived at these houses, a pouring rain
set in, so they all collected in a large house, and as they
were wet through they all took off their armour, and many
of them even their clothes to dry them and warm them-
selves; and, while in this condition, off their guard, the
natives fell upon them, wounding most of them in such
manner that they were forced to re-embark and to return
to me without any provisions. God knows what I
suffered, not only at seeing their wounds, some of which
were dangerous, and because they had brought no re-
lief for alleviating our wants, but also because those In-
dians would acquire more confidence at the sight of our
misfortunes.

Immediately, in the same boats and canoes, I sent
another and more numerous party of men, composed of
Spaniards as well as Mexicans under command of one
of my captains. I ordered them to cross to the other
side of that great river and to follow along the coast while
the barques and canoes were to go from one point to
another of the land, accompanying them so as to enable
them to cross the bays and rivers which were many.
So they set out, and came to the mouth of the said river

288 Letters of Cortes

where the other Spaniards had been wounded; but they
returned having done nothing, and bringing no supplies
of provisions except that they captured four Indians in
a canoe at sea. Being asked how it was they came back
thus, they said that the great rains had swollen the river
to a raging torrent, and they could not ascend it more
than a league; but, believing it would subside, they had
waited eight days without fire or any provisions except
such fruits as the forest yielded; some of them were in
such a condition that they hardly survived. I found
myself so concerned and perplexed that, had it not been
for the swine left over from the journey, which we ate
with great relish without either bread or salt, we would
have all perished from hunger. Through the interpreter,
I asked those Indians who had been taken in the canoe,
whether they knew of any place in the neighbourhood
where we might procure food, promising them that, if
they would guide me, I would release them and give
them many presents besides. One of them said that he
was a trader and the others were his slaves, and that he
had gone frequently with his merchant ships and knew
all the bay, which extended from there to a large river,
in which all the traders like himself took refuge in time
of storm, and that, on that river, there were many large
towns which were rich and well stocked with provisions
where we could find everything we required, and that he
would guide us thither. He offered, in proof of his
truth, that I might put him in chains and if he had lied
I might punish him as he deserved. So I ordered the
boats and canoes to be prepared, and, having manned
them with all who were still healthy and capable of
bearing fatigue, I sent them under the guidance of that
man ; but ten days later they returned as they had gone,
saying that the guide had led them into marshes where
neither the barques nor canoes could float, and that, in
spite of their efforts, they had never been able to cross.

Fifth Letter 289

I asked the guide why he had hoaxed me thus, and he
answered that he had not done so, but that the Span-
iards whom I had sent with him refused to go on though
they had been close to the spot where the river joined the
sea; and indeed many of the Spaniards even admitted
that they had heard the sound of the sea very distinctly,
so they could not have been very far from it.

I cannot express what I felt at seeing myself so beyond
help, and almost beyond hope, faced with the fear that
none of us would escape death by starvation, conditions
God, our Lord, Who always relieves necessities, at Nito
even those of one so unworthy as I, and Who has so often
delivered me in such because I am in the royal service of
Your Majesty guided thither a ship which was coming from
the Islands, with no idea of finding me, and which carried
some thirty men, besides the crew and thirteen horses,
seventy odd swine, twelve casks of salt meat and thirty
loads of bread, of the kind used in the Islands. We all
gave thanks to our Lord, Who had rescued us in our great
necessity; and I bought all those provisions of the ship
for the price of four thousand pesos. I had already
worked at repairing a caravel which the Spaniards there
had allowed to go almost to pieces, and had begun build-
ing a brigantine from pieces of other vessels which had
been wrecked thereabouts, so that, when this ship arrived,
the caravel was already repaired; though I believe we
would never have finished the brigantine had that ship
not come, because it brought us a man who, though not
really a ship's carpenter, was yet sufficiently versed in
that trade.

In scouring the country, a path was discovered leading
through some rough mountains to a certain town, called
Leguela, eighteen leagues from there, where plenty of
provisions were found, though, owing to the bad road,
it was impossible to avail ourselves of them.

Some Indians captured there told us that the place

VOL. II— 19

290 Letters of Cortes

where Francisco de las Casas, Cristobal de Olid, and Gil
Gonzalez de Avila had left, and where Christobal de
Olid had died, as I have already informed Your Majesty,
and will again hereafter speak of, was a town called Naco.
This agreed with the information given by the Spaniards
I had found at Nito, so I immediately ordered a road
to be opened, and sent ahead all my men, foot soldiers
and horsemen, under one of my captains, keeping with
me only the servants of my household, the sick, and
those who wished to remain and go by sea. I instructed
that captain to go to the said town of Naco, and try to
pacify the people of that province who were still some-
what disturbed in consequence of the presence of those
Spaniards ; and that as soon as he arrived he should send
ten or twelve horsemen, with as many crossbowmen, to the
bay of San Andres, 1 about twenty leagues distant from
there. Meanwhile I would bring the sick and wounded
and the rest of the people by sea, and wait for them if
I arrived first; if, on the contrary, they arrived first,
they should wait for me.

After their departure and the completion of the brigan-
tine, I thought to embark with the rest of my people,
but I discovered that, although we had salt meat enough,
we had not sufficient bread; and it seemed a very risky
thing to put to sea without this, having so many sick
people on board, for, if we encountered bad weather
which would delay us, we should be exposed to death
by starvation instead of finding relief for our woes.
While considering how to remedy this, one who had been
left as captain of those people told me that, when they
had first come there with Gil Gonzalez, they had brought
a very good brigantine and four ships ; and that with the
ships' boats they had ascended that river and found two
large gulfs of fresh water, on whose shores there were
several villages well stocked with food. After they had

1 San Andres is now called Puerto Caballos.

Fifth Letter 291

navigated to the extreme end of them, a distance al-
together of fourteen leagues up the river, the stream
became so narrow and so impetuous that, in six days,
they had not made more than four leagues, although
the waters were still very deep. They had not been able
to discover much about it, but he believed that we would
there find sufficient provisions of maize. He thought
I had too few people to go thither, for eighty of his party
had landed, and, although they had succeeded in sur-
prising the town, the Indians gathered afterwards
and fought with them, wounding several people and
forcing them to re-embark.

Seeing, however, the extremity in which we were,
and that it was more dangerous to go to sea without
provisions than to hunt for them on land, I determined
to ascend that river; for, besides having no alternative,
it might be that God, our Lord, would grant that I should
there discover some secret profitable to Your Majesty.
So I immediately counted the people capable of ac-
companying me, and found some forty Spaniards who,
though not all fit for service, were still able to guard
the ships while I landed. With these forty Spaniards
and about fifty Indians who still remained of those whom
I brought from Mexico, and everything being ready for
sea, I set out, in two other boats and four canoes, in the
direction of that river we were to ascend, leaving all my
sick people in that town with a steward of mine to take
charge of them. At first, we had great difficulty in
navigating against the strong current of the river, but
after two nights and a day we reached the first of the
two rivers above mentioned, some three leagues distant
from our starting place; the gulf may measure about
twelve leagues around, its shores being completely
deserted, very low, and swampy. I sailed an entire
day about this gulf, until I came to another narrowing
which the river makes; and, entering it, I reached the

292 Letters of Cortes

other gulf the next morning. It was certainly the most
beautiful thing in the world to behold, for, in the midst
of the rockiest and most rugged mountain chain, there
existed a sea of over thirty leagues in extent. I fol-
lowed along the shore until towards nightfall we per-
ceived a village, and, landing, we found an entrance to
it about two thirds of a league distant ; but it appeared I
had been perceived, for the place was entirely deserted
and empty. In the neighbouring fields we found a great
abundance of green maize which we ate that night and
the next morning; but, as we did not find what we came
for, we took a supply of that green maize and returned
to our boats, without having seen any natives of the
country.

In crossing to the other side of the gulf, which was
accomplished with great difficulty on account of a con-
trary wind we encountered, one canoe was lost, but its
crew were saved by a barque, so that only one Indian
was drowned. It was late in the evening when we reached
the shore, so we could not land until the next morning,
when we ascended a small stream with the barques and
canoes, leaving the brigantine outside. Thus I reached
the place where there seemed to be a trail, and, having
ordered the boats and canoes to return to the brigantine
on the gulf, I landed with thirty of my men and all the
Indians; and, following the trail, I reached a village
about a quarter of a league distant which seemed to have
been abandoned by its inhabitants many days before,
for the houses were choked with weeds, although there
were many fine orchards of cacao and other fruit trees
in the neighbourhood ; I explored the town to see if there
was a road leading anywhere, and finally found one, so
overgrown that apparently it had not been used for some
time. As I found no other I followed it, and marched
that day some five leagues over mountains so rugged
that we had to scramble over them with both hands and

Fifth Letter 293

feet. We came to some maize plantations, with a house
in the midst of them, where we captured three women and
a man, who were doubtless the owners of these planta-
tions. They guided us to other plantations, where we
took two more women, who, in turn, led us by a road
to a very large plantation, in the midst of which stood
forty very small huts which seemed to have been recently
built. It would appear, however, that our arrival was
known, for the village was deserted and all the people
had fled to the mountains; but, as we came upon them
so suddenly, they could not carry off their provisions,
so they had to leave us something, especially fowls,
partridges, pigeons, and pheasants, which they kept in
cages; there was, however, no dried maize, and no salt.
I passed the night there, and the fowls and some green
maize which we found somewhat assuaged our hunger.
We had been there more than two hours when two
of its inhabitants came, very much surprised to find such
guests in their houses ; they were captured by my scouts,
and, on being asked if they knew of any town near there,
they answered yes, and that they would guide me to it
the next day but that we could arrive only very late,
almost at night. The next morning, therefore, we began
our march, guided by these two Indians, over roads still
worse than those of the day before; for, besides being
quite as overgrown with brushwood, we had at almost
every arrow's shot to cross one of the many rivers which
empty into that gulf. It is owing to the great accumu-
lation of waters coming down from the mountains that
these gulfs and lagoons are formed and that the river
flows with such rapidity at its mouth, as I have told Your
Majesty. Following our road in this wise, we travelled
seven leagues without seeing any inhabited places, during
which distance we crossed forty-five large rivers, not
counting many creeks. On the road we captured three
women, who were coming with loads of maize from that

294 Letters of Cortes

town to which the guide was taking us, who assured us
that the guide spoke the truth.

At about sunset, we distinguished a noise as of people,
and, asking those women what it meant, they answered
that a certain festival was being celebrated that day.
I concealed all my people in the forest in the most
perfect manner possible, and placed some scouts quite
close to the town, and others on the road, to capture any
Indians who might be passing; and thus we passed the
night in a great downpour of rain and amid the greatest
pest of mosquitoes imaginable. Such was the condition
of the forest and the road, and so dark and tempestuous
was the night that, two or three times when I attempted
to reach the town, I failed to discover the way, although
we were so near that we could almost hear the people
talking to one another; thus we were forced to wait for
daylight, when we fell upon them so opportunely that
we found them all asleep. I had given orders that no-
body should enter a house or utter a cry, but that we
should surround the principal houses, especially that of
the chief, and a large barracks in which the guide said all
the warriors slept. Our good fortune willed it that the
first house to which we came was that in which the
warriors were gathered. It was already daylight, so
that everything could be seen, and one of my men, seeing
so many people in arms, and considering how few in
number we were to attack such numerous opponents,
even though they were asleep, began to cry for help,
and to shout, ''Santiago! Santiago!'' which awakened the
Indians. Some of them seized their weapons, and others
did not, but, the houses having no walls, their roofs being
supported merely by wooden posts, most of the Indians
fled in every direction as soon as we entered the place,
for it was too large to be entirely surrounded. I assure
Your Majesty that had that man not shouted everyone of
them would have been captured and it would have turned

Fifth Letter 295

out the most beautiful undertaking ever seen in these
parts, and might have brought about their complete pacifi-
cation; for, by setting them free again, and explaining
the reason of my coming, and reassuring them, they would
have seen how well they were treated and thus good
results would have been produced; whereas exactly the
contrary happened. We captured about fifteen men and
twenty women, and some ten or twelve other men perished
in resisting capture, among whom was their chief, who
had not been recognised until afterwards when the pris-
oners showed me his dead body. Neither in this town
did we find anything to supply our wants, for, although
there was plenty of green maize in the fields, it was
not the kind of food for which we came to search. I
remained in this town two days to rest my people.

Having asked the Indians who were captured there
whether they knew of any other town in the vicinity
where dried maize could be found, they said they knew
a town, called Chacujal, which was a large and ancient
one, where all kinds of provisions would be found in
abundance, so I departed, guided by these Indians
towards the town they mentioned; and, having marched
six long leagues of bad road that day, crossing many a
river, I reached some large plantations which the guides
told me belonged to the towns whither we were going.
For about two leagues through the forest near them, we
advanced so as not to be seen, and my scouts, whom I
always sent ahead of me, captured eight wood-cutters
and other labourers who were coming unsuspectingly
through the forest towards me. About sunset, the guides
told me to halt, as we were already very near the town;
so I stopped in the forest till the third hour of the night.
Then I again began to march, coming to a river, which
we crossed in water, breast high, and so swift that the
crossing was sufficiently dangerous, and only by holding
one another hand in hand did we cross without losing

296 Letters of Cortes

anyone. The guides then explained that the village was
near by, so I ordered my men to halt and went myself
with two companies close enough to see the houses and
even to hear the people talking; they all seemed quite
tranquil, and we had evidently not been detected. I
returned to my people, and made them take some rest,
putting six men on watch in sight of the town on each
side of the road ; but when I had lain down on some straw
to rest, one of my scouts whom I had left came and told
me that many armed people were coming along the road,
talking together and evidently unaware of our presence.
I, therefore, ordered my people to form as quickly as
they could; but, as the distance between the village and
our camp was so short, the Indians discovered the scouts,
and, as soon as they perceived them, they let fly a volley
of arrows and then retreated towards the town, fighting
until we entered, when it was so dark they disap-
peared immediately amongst the streets. Fearing an
ambush, I did not allow my people to disband, but,
keeping them well together, I marched to a great square
where there were mosques and oratories, built in the
same manner and surrounded by buildings of the same
kind, and in the same fashion as those of Culua; our
fears were here increased because, since leaving Acalan,
we had seen nothing of the kind. There were even some
who expressed the opinion that we ought to return and
cross the river that same night before the people of the
town, perceiving we were so few, should cut off our
retreat. And, truly, this advice was not bad in view
of what we had already seen of the place, and what we
had reason to fear; thus we remained gathered in that
great square for a long time, without hearing any sound
of the people. It seemed to me we ought not to leave
that town in such manner, for this reason, that, perhaps,
the Indians seeing we remained would be more frightened
than if they saw us leave in that way ; for, if we retreated,

Fifth Letter 297

the enemy would the sooner perceive our weakness, which
would augment our danger.

It pleased our Lord that it should happen thus, for,
after remaining a long time in that square, I entered
with my people into one of those large halls, and sent
others out into the town to report if they saw anyone.
They never encountered anyone, but, on the contrary,
they entered many houses and found the fires still burn-
ing, and a large stock of provisions, which pleased them
greatly; so we remained there that night with every
possible precaution. At daybreak, we explored the
whole town, which was well laid out, the houses being
very well built, and close together. We found a great
deal of cotton in them, some woven, and some ready for
weaving, also clothing, and a large quantity of dried
maize, cacao, beans, pepper, and salt, besides many fowls
and pheasants in cages, partridges, and dogs of the
species they raise to eat (and which are exceedingly
good) ; and every other variety of provisions to such an
extent that, had we had the ships where we could load
them, I would have regarded myself as well provided for
many a day. But to avail ourselves of them we would
have had to carry them on men's backs twenty leagues,
while we were in such a condition that we had enough to
do to carry ourselves back to the ships without taking
other loads, for, had we not rested there for some days,
we should have been unable to return to our boats.

The next day, I sent for a native of the place who had
been captured near the plantations, and who seemed a
person of importance, for he had his bow and arrows for
hunting, and was well dressed, according to their fashion.
I spoke to him through an interpreter I had, telling
him to go to the chief and his people and say to them
that I had not come to do them any harm, but rather
to tell them some things which were expedient for them
to know, and to say that the chief or some other

298 Letters of Cortes

honourable person should come and learn the cause of my
arrival, for they might be sure that much good would
result to them; on the contrary if they refused they
might suffer for it. Thus I despatched him with a letter
of mine to the chief, for the people of those parts were
always more assured by seeing my letters. I did this
against the advice of some of my men, who said it was
unwise to send him, for he would explain to them how
few we were; that the village was large and populous,
judging from the number of houses closely built together,
and that the inhabitants, seeing how few we were, might
easily call on their neighbours for help and attack us.
I saw they were right, yet wished to find the means of
sufficiently provisioning my company, and believing that,
if those people came to me peaceably, they might perhaps
furnish means for carrying away some of the provisions,
I set aside their arguments; because in truth no less
danger waited us from starvation if we lived without
provisions, than there did in an attack from the Indians.
I, therefore, despatched the Indian, who promised to
return the next day, as he knew where the chief and all
the people were. On the day appointed for the Indian's
return, two of my Spaniards who were exploring about
the town and country found my letter placed on a pole
by the roadside, from which we judged we would have
no answer; and thus it happened, for neither the Indian
nor anybody else came, so we remained eighteen days
there, resting, ana seeking to devise some means for
carrying away those provisions.

While pondering this it seemed to me that, by following
down the river, I might perhaps come to the other large
river that empties into the gulf of fresh water where I
had left my brigantine as well as my boats and canoes;
so I asked those Indians whom I held prisoners if this
was true, and they answered yes, though we could not
understand them very well, nor they us, for they spoke

Fifth Letter 299

a different language from any we had yet heard. l By
signs, however, and with some words which I understood
of that language, I prayed that two of them would guide
ten Spaniards to the junction of that river with the other;
and they answered that it was very near, so that they
could go and return the same day. And God was pleased
that, having travelled about two leagues through some
very beautiful orchards of cacao and other fruit trees, they
came upon a large river which they said emptied into
the gulf where I had left the brigantines and barques
and canoes, saying that the river's name was Apolochic.
Having been asked how long the journey would take
in canoes to the gulf they replied five days, so I im-
mediately sent two Spaniards with one of Building
those guides who offered to take them, by the Rafts
short cuts known to him, to where the brigantines lay.
I ordered that the brigantines and barques and canoes
be brought to the mouth of that large river, and that,
leaving the vessel behind, the two Spaniards should try,
with one canoe and a boat, to ascend the river to
its junction with the other. Having despatched these
men, I ordered four rafts to be constructed of logs and
large bamboos, capable of carrying forty bushels of
dried maize and ten men, not counting many other
things such as beans, and red peppers, and cacao, which
each Spaniard took besides. It took eight full days to
construct the rafts. When they were loaded, the Span-
iard I had sent to the brigantines returned, and told me
that, after ascending the river for six consecutive days,
they had found it impossible to fetch the barque up, and

1 The multitude and variety of American languages prove the
high antiquity of the different peoples, for long centuries must have
been required to evolve such diversity, especially where there was no
written language. Humboldt enumerates fifteen different idioms,
as absolutely distinct from one another as Persian from German, or
French from Polish. Brasseur de Bourbourg estimates the total
number, including dialects, at about two hundred.

3oo Letters of Cortes

had therefore left it with a guard of ten Spaniards and
finished their journey in the canoe; they arrived at a
place about one league lower down the river, where
exhausted from rowing they had left it hidden. On their
way up the river they had been attacked by some few
Indians and had fought sometimes with them; these, they
thought, however, would gather forces to await their
return. I immediately sent people to bring up the canoe
to where the rafts were, and, having loaded all the pro-
visions we had gathered onto the rafts, I selected the
necessary people to man. them, who were supplied with
long poles to protect them from floating logs, which made
the river rather dangerous. 1 sent the remainder of my
people under a captain to return by the same road on
which we had come, with orders to await me where we had
first disembarked if they arrived there before me, for I
would go thither to meet them; and if I arrived first I
would wait for them. I embarked in a canoe with the
only two crossbowmen left.

Though the journey I was undertaking was extremely
dangerous, owing to the rapid current and to the ap-
proximate certainty that the Indians would waylay us on
our passage, I, nevertheless, determined to go that way,
the better to preserve order; and, recommending myself
to God, I began the descent of the river, which was ac-
complished with such rapidity that, in three hours, we
came to where the barque had been left.

Here we thought to lighten the rafts by transferring
some of the cargo onto it, but so rapid was the current
that they could not stop. I went on board the barque,
and ordered that the canoe, well-manned, should go ahead
of the rafts, to see whether any Indians were in ambush,
and to discover any dangerous places there might be.
I myself remained behind in the barque ready to help
the rafts if need should be, for I could more easily be of
assistance from the rear than from the front.

Fifth Letter 30 l

About sunset, one of the rafts was somewhat shat-
tered by striking a submerged log, though it was
floated again by the fury of the water after half its cargo
had been lost. Three hours after nightfall, I heard the
shouts of Indians ahead of us, but, not wishing to leave
the rafts behind, I did not go ahead to see what it meant,
and, after a little, it ceased, and we heard nothing more
for a while. A little later I heard it again, and it seemed
to me nearer, but it ceased, and I could not ascertain
what it was, as the canoe and the three rafts went ahead
and I followed behind with the damaged raft, which could
not travel so fast. For quite a while then no more shouts
were heard, so we proceeded somewhat off our guard
while I took off my helmet, for I had a high fever, and
rested my head on my hands. Continuing thus, the
violence of the current at the bend of the river struck
us with such force that the barque and rafts were driven
on the bank. It then transpired that the shouts we had
heard had come from this point, for the Indians who in-
habited its banks knew the river well, and foresaw that
the force of the current would throw us on land at that
point; so, many of them awaited us there, and, as soon
as the canoe and rafts which had gone ahead reached
that spot where we arrived later, they were assaulted by
a volley of arrows which wounded almost everyone of their
crews though knowing that most of us still remained
behind, the attack of the Indians was not so furious as
that which they afterwards made upon us. The people
in the canoe were prevented by the strong current from
coming back to warn us, so, when we were thrown on
land, the Indians raised a great yell and let fly such a
volley of arrows and stones that we were all of us wounded,
I in the head which was the only part not protected by
my mail. Our Lord permitted this to happen by a high
bluff where the waters were very deep, and to this circum-
stance we owed our escape; for, the night being ver\

302 Letters of Cortes

dark, some of the Indians fell into the water, and I
believe many were drowned. The current soon whirled
us quickly away, and very shortly after we could hardly
hear their shouts. The rest of the night passed without
any further encounter, though now and then we heard
faint cries from the distance, or from the bluffs of the
river. The banks of the river are lined with beautiful
plantations.

At daybreak, we found ourselves about five leagues
from the mouth of the river, where it flows into the gulf;
the brigantine was waiting for us there at the gulf, and
we arrived about noon, so that in one day and one night
we covered twenty long leagues in descending that river.
Wishing to transfer the provisions from the rafts to the
brigantine, I found that everything had been wet, and
seeing that, were it not dried, all would be spoiled and
our labour lost, I had the dry separated from the wet
and placed in the brigantine, while the rest I placed in
the barque and the canoes and sent it as quickly as
possible to the town where it might be dried; for, on
account of the swamps about that gulf, there was no
place there where this could be done. Thus they left,
and I ordered the canoes and barques to return im-
mediately to help me transport the people, as the brigan-
tine and one canoe which remained were insufficient to
carry them all.

After the barques and canoes had left, I set sail, and
went to the place where my people who had gone overland
were to meet me ; and there I waited for them three days,
at the end of which time they arrived in very good con-
dition, except for one Spaniard, who, they said, had eaten
certain herbs on the road and died instantly. They
brought with them an Indian whom they had captured
in that town where I had left them; he was going about
unguardedly, and, as he was different from the natives
of the country not only in language but also in dress, I

Fifth Letter 303

began to question him by signs, when another was found
among the prisoners who said he could understand him;
and he told me that he was a native of Teculutlan. As
soon as I heard this name, it seemed to me I had heard
it mentioned before, so, when I reached the town, I
searched amongst my memoranda and found that name
as belonging to a place somewhere across the country,
a distance altogether of seventy-eight leagues from the
Spanish settlement on the South Sea governed by Pedro
de Alvarado, one of my captains; it also appeared from
the memoranda that some of Pedro de Alvarado's men
had been in that town of Teculutlan, which indeed this
Indian confirmed; and this news pleased me very much.
All the people being collected, and the boats not having
yet returned, we consumed the small quantity of pro-
visions which had been kept dry, and embarked on board
the brigantine, though the vessel was so small that there
was hardly room for us all. The intention was to cross
the gulf to the town where we had first landed, and where
we had seen the ripening maize fields. More than twenty-
five days having passed, we reasonably expected to find
it ripe enough for our use, and so it was ; for, one morning,
we saw boats and canoes coming towards us in the middle
of the gulf, and, continuing altogether in that direction,
we reached land. Immediately after landing, all my
people, Spaniards as well as Indians, besides forty native
prisoners, went straight to the town, where they found
excellent maize fields, the greater part fully ripe. Meeting
no opposition, both Christians and Indians made three
journeys to and fro that day, for the distance was short,
carrying loads of grain, so that the brigantine being
filled, as well as the boats, I went to the town myself,
leaving them engaged in transporting the maize. I at
once sent the two barques, another which had arrived
there with a ship which had been lost on the coast coming
to New Spain, and four canoes, to gather this great har-

3°4 Letters of Cortes

vest, which was a most providential supply, repaying
the labour it cost; for, had it not been found, we would
have all inevitably perished by starvation.

I had all those provisions loaded on the ships, and em-
barked with all the people in that town who belonged to
Gil Gonzalez, besides those who remained of my people;
and this being done I set sail on the [passage missing in
MS.] day of [passage missing in MS.], and steered to
the port on the bay of San Andres. Having first landed
all those who were able to walk and two horses I had
with me on the ship, I ordered them to go to the said
harbour and bay where they would find, or wait for, the
people who were to come from Naco, for that road had
been already travelled. The ships were dangerously
overcrowded, so I sent a barque along the coast to enable
them to cross certain rivers on their road; and, when I
reached the said port, I found that the people from Naco
had arrived there two days before me. I learned from
them that all the others were well, and had a great store
of maize and red peppers and many fruits of the country,
though they had neither meat nor salt, as for two months
they had not known what those things were.

I remained twenty days in this port, striving to es-
tablish some order amongst those people in Naco, and
Foundation looking for a convenient place to found a settle-
of Natividadment; for that port is certainly the best which
exists along the discovered coast of all this mainland,
that is to say from the Gulf of Pearls to Florida. God
willed that I should find a very good one, suitable for my
purpose, for, after I had sent to explore some streams one
or two leagues from the site of this town, good samples
of gold were found ; and, both on this account, and also be-
cause the port was so beautiful and had such an excellent,
well-populated neighbourhood, it seemed to me that it
would be for Your Majesty's good service to found a
settlement here; I therefore sent a messenger to Naco

Fifth Letter 305

where the people were, to learn if any of them would like
to settle there. The land being good, about fifty of them,
mostly of those who had come thither with me, consented,
and thus, in Your Majesty's name, I founded there a
town, which on account of the day of its foundation, being
the Nativity of Our Lady, I named Natividad de Nuestra
Senora. I appointed alcaldes and municipal officers,
leaving them a priest, church ornaments, and everything
necessary for the celebration of mass; I also left them
workmen and mechanics, such as a smith, with a very-
good forge, and his necessary tools, a carpenter, a ship-
wright, a barber, and a tailor. Among the settlers there
were twenty horsemen and some crossbowmen. Finally
I provided certain artillery and powder.

When I arrived at that town, and heard from the
Spaniards from Naco that the natives of that and the
neighbouring towns were all in a commotion, and had
fled from their dwellings to the forests, refusing to return,
although frequently invited to do so, for they remembered
their injuries at the hands of Gil Gonzales, Cristobal de
Olid, and their men, I wrote to the captain there to en-
deavour by all means to secure some of those Indians and
send them to me that I might speak to them and calm
them. He did this, and sent me certain persons whom
he had captured in a foray he had made for the purpose.
I spoke to them, and reassured them, and made some of
the principal persons from Mexico who were with me
speak also with them. These latter told them who I was,
and of what I had done in their country, and of the good
treatment all had received from me after they became
my friends, and of how they had been protected and
maintained in justice, they and their property, their
wives and children; they told of the punishment which
those who rebelled against the service of Your Majesty
received, and of many other things which tended to
pacify the captured Indians. Nevertheless, they still

VOL. II — SO

3°6 Letters of Cortes

said they were afraid that what they had been told was
not the truth, because those captains who had been there
before had said the same thing and afterwards they had
discovered it was all a lie ; for the women whom they had
given them to make their bread had been kept, as well
as the men who carried their baggage, and they feared I
would do the same. Still they were reassured by what the
Mexicans and my interpreter told them, and by observing
that they were all well treated and happy in our company,
so they grew a little more confident. I sent them to
speak to the chiefs and people of the towns, and, a few
days later, the captain wrote me that some of the neigh-
bouring towns had come peaceably, especially the chief
ones, which are Naco, where they are stationed, Quimiot-
lan, Suli, and Tholomi, the smallest of which numbered
more than two thousand households, besides other villages
depending on them ; they had said that they would later
all peaceably return to their homes, for messengers had
been sent to reassure them, and let them know of my
arrival and of all I had told them, and what they had
learned from the natives of Mexico. They also greatly
desired I should visit them, for the people would be
more reassured by my presence. This I would willingly
have done had I not been obliged to go on and re-
establish order elsewhere, concerning which I will relate
to Your Majesty in the following chapter.

Upon my arrival, Invincible Caesar, at that town of
Nito, where I found the lost people of Gil Gonzalez, I
News from learnt from them that Francisco de las Casas,
the Colony one of my lieutenants, whom I had sent to in-
of Honduras quire about Cristobal de Olid and his men,
as I have already related to Your Majesty, had left
certain Spaniards down the coast at a port which the
pilots called Las Honduras; these Spaniards no doubt
were still there. As soon as I reached that town
and bay of San Andres, where, in Your Majesty's

Fifth Letter 307

name, I established a town called Natividad de
Nuestra Sefiora, I delayed there to organise the settlement
of it, and likewise to give orders to the captain and people
in Naco concerning the measures they should take for the
pacification and security of those other towns. I sent
the ship I had bought to the said port of Honduras to
inquire after those other people, and bring me informa-
tion. By the time the above mentioned orders were
executed, the ship returned, bringing the procurator of
the town and an officer of the Municipal Council, who
besought me earnestly to go there and relieve them,
because they were in extreme need. The captain ap-
pointed by Francisco de las Casas and a judge whom he
had likewise nominated, had rebelled and taken possession
of a ship, then in the harbour, and had persuaded fifty
out of the hundred and ten colonists to follow them,
leaving the others without weapons or iron tools of any
sort ; taking away also almost everything they owned ; so
that they were in great fear either that the Indians would
kill them, or that they would starve to death, for they
were unable to procure provisions. A vessel from the
island of Espanola, owned by a man called the Bachelor
Francisco Moreno, had since arrived there; but, though
they had besought him to provide them with neces-
saries he had refused, as I would more fully learn when
I came to that town. To correct all this, I embarked
in my ships, with all my suffering people (some of whom
had meanwhile died) , it being my intention to send them
from that place to the Islands and to New Spain, as I
afterwards did. I took with me some of my own house-
hold servants, and gave orders that twenty horsemen
and ten crossbowmen should go overland, as I heard that
the road to the village was good, although they would
have to cross some rivers.

It took me nine days to arrive, owing to unfavourable
weather, and, having cast anchor in the port of Honduras,

308 Letters of Cortes

I entered a boat with two Franciscan friars, whom I
always took with me, and about ten servants of mine;
and thus we went on land where the people of the town
were in the square awaiting me. As I neared shore,
they all rushed into the sea and lifting me out of the boat
they carried me to the town and church with every
demonstration of welcome. After having given thanks
to our Lord, they prayed me to stop and hear their
account of all that had transpired, for they feared that
in consequence of misrepresentations which might have
been made to me, I might be vexed with them, and they
wished me to know the truth before I judged them. I
assented to this and their priest rose and spoke to me as
follows : —

Sir, you know how all, or almost all, of us who are here,
were sent from New Spain under your captain Cristobal de
History of Olid 'to se"ttle and populate this country in the
Olid's name of His Majesty, and that you ordered us to

rebellion obey the commands of the said Cristobal de
Olid as though they were your own. Thus, we left for the
island of Cuba, where we were to take in some provisions
and horses that were still requisite; and, having arrived
at Havana, which is a port of the said island, he exchanged
letters with Diego Velasquez and His Majesty's officers resid-
ing there, who sent him some more people. After we were
provisioned with what we required, all of which was provided
through your agent, Alonzo de Contreros, we left the island
and continued our voyage.

Omitting some incidents of our voyage, too tedious to be
related, we landed on this coast, fourteen leagues below the
port of Caballos, where the said captain Cristobal de Olid
took possession for your worship, and in the name of His
Majesty, establishing a town with its alcaldes and municipal
officers, who had already been nominated at the outset. He
executed certain official acts regarding the possession and
laying out of the town, acting in the name of your worship
and as your captain and lieutenant. Some days later, how-

Fifth Letter 309

ever, he made common cause with those servants of Diego
Velasquez, who had come with him, and went through certain
formalities which made it clear that he had renounced obedi-
ence to your worship; although most of us disapproved of
this, we did not dare to oppose him because he threatened
us with the gallows, but, on the contrary, we consented to all
he did, the more so as certain servants and relatives of your
worship did the same, for neither did they dare to act other-
wise. This being accomplished, and, having heard from six
messengers whom he caused to be imprisoned, that certain
people of Gil Gonzalez de Avila were coming down upon him,
he stationed himself near the ford of a river where they had
to cross, so as to capture them.

After waiting some days in vain, he left there a lieutenant
with some force, and returned to this town, where he began
to fit out two caravels, and to provide them' with artillery
and ammunition, intending to attack the settlement of Span-
iards, which the said Gil Gonzalez had founded higher up
the coast. While thus engaged, Francisco de las Casas
arrived with two ships, and, as soon as Cristobal de Olid knew
that it was he, he ordered the artillery on his ships to fire on
him, in spite of the fact that Francisco de las Casas hoisted
flags of peace, and shouted the information that his ships
belonged to your worship. The artillery, however, con-
tinued to play under his orders, and, after the ships had
anchored, he still fired ten or twelve shots, one of which
went through one of the vessels and came out on the other
side. When Francisco de las Casas perceived his intentions
to be hostile, the suspicions he already entertained against
Olid were confirmed, and he saw he could not temporise
with such an enemy; so he manned his boats and began to
use his artillery, taking possession of those two vessels that
were in the port as their crews had deserted them and gone
ashore. After these ships were taken, Cristobal de Olid be-
gan to sue for terms, not, however, with the intention of ob-
serving them, but to temporise until the men he had sent
against Gil Gonzalez de Avila should return, for he did not
feel himself strong enough to cope with Las Casas; he, there-
fore, sought to deceive him, and Las Casas allowed himself

310 Letters of Cortes

to be hood-winked. During these inconclusive negotiations
a great tempest suddenly arose at sea, and, as there was no
proper anchorage, but only an unsheltered coast, the ship on
board of which Francisco de las Casas was, was dashed on
shore, thirty odd men being drowned, and almost everything
they had being lost. Las Casas and the others escaped
naked and so bruised by the waves that they could not keep
their feet, so Cristobal de Olid took them all prisoners; and,
before they entered the town, he made them swear on the
Holy Gospels that they would obey him and regard him as
their captain ever afterwards, doing nothing against his will.

Just then the news came that his lieutenant had captured
fifty-seven men and an alcalde mayor of Gil Gonzalez de
Avila, and had afterwards set them free again, allowing them
to go one way while he with his men took another. Rendered
furious by hearing that his orders had not been obeyed, Cris-
tobal de Olid left for Naco, where he had formerly been,
taking with him Francisco de las Casas and some of his men,
and leaving the other prisoners under guard of a lieutenant
and an alcalde. Las Casas, in the presence of all, entreated
him to allow him to return to your worship, and give an
account of what had happened; for otherwise he must keep
him under strict guard and not trust him, as he would do his
best to escape. Some days later, Cristobal de Olid learned
that Gil Gonzalez and a few of his men had settled at the
port called Tholoma, so he sent certain people thither, who
attacked Gonzalez by night and captured him as well as
those who were with him, bringing them prisoners. Thus
both these captains were kept there many days, Cristobal
de Olid refusing to set them free, although he was begged
many times to do so. He also made all the people of Gil
Gonzalez swear to obey him as their captain, just as he had
already done with those of Francisco de las Casas.

Many times, after the imprisonment of Gil Gonzalez, did
Francisco de las Casas beg him in everybody's presence, to
Execution set ^m an0^ n^s companions at liberty, saying that
of Cristobal otherwise he had better be on his guard for they
de Olid would kill him ; but he would never consent to do so,
until his tyranny had gone so far that one night, when they

Fifth Letter 311

were all together in a hall, and many other people were with
them discussing certain matters, Francisco de las Casas seized
him by the beard and having no other arms, he stabbed him
with a penknife with which he had been cutting his nails while
walking up and down, crying at the same time, "The time is
already passed for suffering this tyranny ! " Gil Gonzalez and
others of your worship's servants joined with him and disarmed
the body-guard, and, in the scuffle which ensued, Cristobal de
Olid, the captain and ensign of his body guard, his field-officer,
and others, were wounded, taken prisoners, and disarmed,
though none were killed. In the midst of the confusion,
Cristobal de Olid escaped and hid himself, while the captains,
within two hours, pacified the people and secured the persons
of his principal adherents ; and they proclaimed by the public
crier that, whoever knew where Cristobal de Olid was hidden,
should declare it immediately under penalty of death. They
quickly learnt where he was, and captured him, placing him
under good guard ; and on the next morning, after giving him
his trial, the captains agreed in sentencing him to death.
This was executed on his person by cutting off his head, to
the great satisfaction of the people who were thus liberated.
It was then proclaimed by the public crier that all who
wished to settle in this country should say so, and that those
who wished to leave should do likewise; one hundred and
ten men said they desired to settle, and the others said they
would go with Francisco de las Casas and Gil Gonzalez who
were about to return to your worship. Among these former,
there were twenty horsemen to which number I and all those
here present belonged. Francisco de las Casas provided us
with everything we needed, appointed a captain over us, and
directed us to come to this coast and colonise for your wor-
ship, in the name of His Majesty; and he nominated sheriffs,
municipal officers, a notary public, a procurator of the town
council, and an alguacil, ordering us to call the town Tru-
jillo ; he promised us and pledged his faith as a gentleman, that
he would procure from your worship more people and arms
and horses for the pacification of the country. He, moreover,
left us two interpreters, an Indian woman and a Christian,
who understood very well the languages hereabouts. Thus,

3 1 2 Letters of Cortes

we took leave of him and came here as he had ordered us to
do; and to inform your worship the more quickly, he des-
patched the brigantine so that assistance might reach us
the sooner.

Having arrived at the port of San Andres, also called Ca-
ballos, we found there a caravel which had recently come
from the Islands; and, as that port did not seem to us the
proper place for a settlement, and as we had heard about this
one, we loaded all our heavy baggage on to that caravel and
embarked, taking with us the captain and forty men, while
the horsemen and others remained on land, keeping nothing
but the clothes on our backs, so as to be freer and unencum-
bered in case of accident on our march. The captain gave
his full powers to one of the alcaldes, who is now here present,
whom he ordered us to obey during his absence; the other
municipal officers went with him in the caravel. Thus we
parted from each other to meet again in this port, and, during
our march, we had some encounters with the natives who
killed two Spaniards and some of the Indians whom we had
brought for our service.

Upon arriving in a dreadful plight at this port, the horses
unshod, but all of us happy in the expectation of rinding the
captain with our baggage and arms, we were more than
afflicted to find nothing at all, while we were ourselves almost
stark naked, destitute of arms and iron tools, all of which the
captain had taken in the caravel. We were perplexed and
knew not what to do with ourselves, until, after consulting
together, we decided to wait for the relief which was to come
from your worship, about which we entertained no doubts.
So we immediately set about founding our town and took
possession of the country for your worship, in the name of His
Majesty, as your worship may see from the official acts drawn
up before the notary public of the municipal council.

Five or six days later, a caravel appeared at sea, about
two leagues from this place, and the alguacil immediately
went in a canoe to discover what caravel it was; and he
brought us news that it belonged to the bachelor in law,
Pedro Moreno, a resident of Espanola, who came by the
order of the judges residing in that island, for the purpose

Fifth Letter 313

of inquiring into certain matters between Cristobal de Olid
and Gil Gonzalez. He brought a full stock of provisions
and arms which belonged to His Majesty; and we all rejoiced
greatly at this news, giving thanks to our Lord, and believing
that our necessities would be relieved. The municipal officers
and some of the householders immediately went and be-
sought him to provide for us, explaining our miserable plight ;
but, upon their arrival, he armed the men on his caravel and
would allow no one to go on board, so the most we could
obtain from him was that four or five without arms should
go aboard. They first explained to him how we had come
there to settle for your worship, in the name of His Majesty,
and that, on account' of the captain having left in a caravel
with all we owned, we were in the utmost extremity, as well
for want of provisions, arms, and iron tools, as for clothing
and other things, and that in as much as God had conducted
him hither for our relief and his caravel belonged to
His Majesty, we prayed and besought him to provide for us,
as by so doing he would serve His Majesty, besides which
we bound ourselves to pay for everything he gave us. He
answered that he had not come there for the purpose of
relieving us, and would give us nothing unless we paid cash
down in gold or gave him slaves in payment.

Two merchants who had come on the ship, and a certain
Gaspard Roche, a resident of the island of San Juan, advised
him to give us what we asked for, offering to stand surety
for the payment, up to five or six thousand castellanos,
within such period as he should fix as they knew we were able
to pay, and they were willing to do this in Your Majesty's
service ; they likewise felt sure that your worship would repay
them, besides being grateful for it. Not even then, however,
would he give us the least thing, but he sent us away saying
he intended to leave; and thus actually put us out of his
caravel.

Afterwards, he sent one Juan Ruano, who had come with
him, and had been the principal promoter of Cristobal de
Olid's treason ; he secretly spoke to the munici- Intrusion of
pal officers and some of us, telling us that, if we Juan Ruano
would obey him, he would obtain all we needed from the bach-

314 Letters of Cortes

elor, and that, on his return to Espanola he would even obtain
orders from the judges residing there that we should not have
to pay for anything, and that, besides, reinforcements of men
and horses and supplies of arms and provisions and other neces-
saries should be sent to us; that the bachelor would quickly
return, bringing us all this and full powers from the judges
to be our captain. Having asked him what we were required
to do in return, he answered that first of all we were to depose
from their respective charges the royal officers, the alcaldes,
the municipal officials, the treasurer, the accountants, and
the inspector, all of whom exercised their functions in the
name of your worship ; that after this, we must ask the said
bachelor to appoint as our captain the said Juan Ruano, and
declare that we wished to come under the government of the
audiencia instead of under that of your worship; that we
must all sign this petition and give our oaths to obey him,
Ruano, as our captain, binding ourselves not only to refuse
obedience to any representations or orders of your worship
but also to resist with force of arms. We answered that
we could not do this, for we had already taken another oath,
and were settled there for your worship, in His Majesty's
name, as his captain and governor, and that we could not
act otherwise.

The said Juan Ruano sought to persuade us that it was
better to consent than to be left to die ; for the bachelor would
not give us a jar of water, nor a morsel of bread, and we might
rest assured that upon, learning of our refusal, he would sail
away and leave us to destruction, hence we should look well
to our decision. Thus we took council, and, coerced by want
we agreed to all he asked of us, rather than starve or be killed
by the Indians, being, as we were, entirely unarmed; so we
answered Ruano that we had decided to do what he required
of us. He returned therefore to the caravel, and the said
bachelor landed, with many armed people; and Juan Ruano
had a petition drawn up before the notary of the place, signed
by almost every one of us, under oath, to the effect that the
municipal officials, the treasurer, the accountant, and the
inspector, resigned their respective offices, and that the name
of the town waschanged to that of Ascension; he drew up

Fifth Letter 315

certain official acts by which we acknowledged our allegiance
to the audiencia instead of to your worship. He immediately
furnished us with all we had asked for, and ordered an ex-
pedition to be made, in which we captured certain natives,
whom he branded as slaves and took with him, without even
allowing that the fifth of them should be paid to His Majesty,
ordering that henceforth there should be no treasurer nor
accountant, nor inspector for the royal dues, but that the
said Juan Ruano, whom he left as our captain, should take all
responsibility on himself, without keeping any further books
or accounts.

Thus, he left us under command of the said Juan Ruano,
furnished with certain requirements to be used in case any
people should come here from your worship ; and he promised
to return quickly with such full powers that no one could
resist them. After he had gone, we perceived that what we
had done was not for the advantage of His Majesty's service,
so we apprehended the said Juan Ruano, and sent him to the
Islands, after which the alcalde and municipal officers resumed
their functions as formerly, and, since then, we have been,
and are, under your worship's orders, in His Majesty's name.
We pray you, Sir, to pardon us the past matters, respecting
Cristobal de Olid, because, throughout, we were compelled
by force to act in this manner.

I replied to this address, saying that I would pardon
them, in Your Majesty's name, for all that had transpired
under Cristobal de Olid, and that their recent conduct
was not blamable as they had been constrained by want ;
but that, henceforth, they were to abstain from similar
novelties and scandals, for they were injurious to Your
Majesty's service, and would bring punishment upon
them. In order to more fully convince them that I had
forgotten the past, and would never more remember it,
but would rather aid and favour them, in Your Majesty's
name, as long as they acted as loyal vassals to Your
Majesty, I confirmed, in Your Royal name, the alcaldes
and municipal officers whom Francisco de las Casas,

316 Letters of Cortes

acting as my lieutenant, had appointed ; all of which fully
satisfied them, and banished their fear of ever again
being questioned for their past faults.

As they assured me that the said bachelor, Moreno,
would soon return with many people, fully empowered
by the audiencia, residing in Espafiola, I did not leave
the port. I was informed by the residents that they had
had certain conflicts with the natives, some six or seven
leagues distant in the interior, when they had gone to
search for food. They said that some of the natives,
however, were more peaceably inclined than others;
for, although they had no interpreter through whom to
talk with them, they had shown their good will and
friendship by means of signs; also that no doubt these
people, being spoken to by one who knew their language,
might be easily won over, although they had been several
times ill-treated, as the Spaniards had taken from them
certain women and boys whom the bachelor, Moreno, had
branded with a hot iron as slaves, and carried off in
his ship.

God knows how grieved I was by this news, knowing
the great mischief that would ensue from it. I wrote,
Cortes therefore, to the audiencia of Espafiola by

Writes to the the vessels I sent to that island, complain-
Audiencia jng about the bachelor, Moreno, and enclos-
ing a written statement of all his misdeeds in that
town and its neighbourhood, besides certain legal
requirements on the part of Your Majesty, in which
I demanded that the bachelor be sent here a pris-
oner in chains (and with him all the natives of this
country who had been carried off as slaves) because he
had outraged all the laws, as they could see by the
proofs I remitted to them. I do not know what they
will do about it, but I will communicate their decision
to Your Majesty.

Two days after I arrived at this port of Trujillo, I sent

Fifth Letter 317

a Spaniard, who understood the language, and three
Indians of Culua with him, to those towns which the
settlers had mentioned to me, instructing the Spaniards
and Indians very exactly what they were to say to the
chiefs and natives of the said towns, and especially that
I myself had come to those parts ; for owing to the great
traffic many people there had heard of me and of the
events in Mexico. The first towns they visited were
Chapagua and Papayeca, which are seven leagues from
Trujillo, and two leagues distant from one another. They
are the principal towns, as I afterwards learned, for Papay-
eca has eighteen villages subject to it, and Chapagua has
ten; and Our Lord, Who our daily experience shows us
has especial care of Your Majesty's affairs, was pleased
that they should receive the embassy with great defer-
ence, and they sent with my messengers, others of their
own who might verify if all they had been told was true.
I received them very well upon their arrival, and again
spoke to them through the interpreter whom I had with
me; for their language and that of Culua is almost one
and the same, except that they differ somewhat in pro-
nunciation and in some few words. I again assured
them of all that my messengers had told them in my
name, adding other things which it seemed suitable they
should know, and which tended to inspire their confidence;
and I earnestly besought them to tell their chiefs to come
to see me. They took leave of me entirely satisfied, and
five days later a chief, called Montanal, came on behalf of
those of Chapagua, he, himself, being as it appeared the
chief of one of the subject towns, called Telika; and
another lord of a subject town, called Cecoath, came on
behalf of those of Papayeca, accompanied by some na-
tives, who brought me provisions of maize and fowls and
fruits, saying they had come on behalf of their chiefs
to learn what I wished, and the reason of my coming to
their country. The chiefs had not come in person to see

318 Letters of Cortes

me, fearing that they might be taken on board the ships
as had happened to certain of their people who had been
captured by the first Christians who came there. I told
them what grief that event had caused me, and that they
might be sure such an outrage would not again happen,
for I would send for those who had been carried off and
have them returned.

May God grant that the lawyers at Espanola will not
make me forfeit my word to those Indians, though I
greatly fear they will not send them back to me, but will
rather seek some way to exculpate the bachelor, Moreno,
who captured them; for I do not believe that he acted
otherwise than according to what they instructed and
ordered him.

In answer to the question of those messengers re-
specting my purpose in coming to that country, I said
that they should know how, about eight years before,
I had arrived in the province of Culua where Montezuma
then ruled the great city of Temixtitan, and all of that
country; being informed by me of the greatness and
power of Your Majesty, to whom the universal world was
subject, and of my having been sent to visit his country
in the royal name of Your Excellency, he immediately
received me very kindly and recognised what he owed
to Your greatness; and that all the other lords in the
country had done the same. I recounted to them other
things regarding this matter which had happened to me
here, and that I was ordered by Your Majesty to see and
visit all these countries without exception, and to es-
tablish towns of Christians in them, who would teach the
people the best way to live, not only for the provision
of their persons and property, but also for the salvation
of their souls, and that this was the cause of my coming;
that they might be sure that no mischief would follow
from it, but a great deal of good, for those who obeyed
the royal mandates of Your Majesty would be well

Fifth Letter 319

treated and maintained in justice, while those who rebelled
would be punished. I told them many other things
to this purpose, which I do not repeat here on account
of their small importance, and to avoid annoying Your
Majesty by too much writing.

I gave these messengers some small presents which
they esteem, although with us they are of little value,
and they took their leave very content. Soon after,
in response to my request, they returned with provisions
and people to clear the site of the town, which was situ-
ated on a great mountain. None of their chiefs, however,
came to visit me; but I took no notice of this, treating
the matter of their coming as quite indifferent to me,
though I requested them to send messengers to all the
neighbouring towns to publish what I had told them,
asking the people to come to help in settling that town,
all of which they did. So, within a few days, fifteen or
sixteen towns, or rather independent lordships, in that
vicinity came, with many demonstrations of good will,
offering themselves as vassals and subjects of Your High-
ness, and bringing people to help clear the ground for
the town, as well as with provisions to sustain us until
the assistance arrived with the ships I had sent to the
Islands.

At this time, I sent the three ships I had with me, be-
sides another one which afterwards came, and which I
bought, to carry all the invalids to the ports Fate of the
of New Spain; and with the first I wrote Four Ships
fully to Your Majesty's officers whom I had left in
command there, as well as to the municipalities,
giving them an account of what I had done, and
saying that I was obliged to absent myself some-
what longer in these parts ; praying and charging them
to fulfil the duties of their offices, and giving them
my advice upon certain matters. I ordered this ship
to return by way of Cozumel, which was on the route,

320 Letters of Cortes

and to pick up certain Spaniards there, whom a certain
Valenzuela, who had rebelled and robbed the first town
which Cristobal de Olid had founded and abandoned,
had left there; according to my information, they were
about sixty persons. I sent the other ship, which I
had lately bought in the small bay near the town, to
Trinidad, on the island of Cuba, to load with maize and
horses and people, and to return as quickly as possible;
the other I sent to the island of Jamaica for the same
purpose. The large caravel, or brigantine, which I,
myself, had built, I despatched to Espafiola, and on
board was a servant of mine, bearing letters for Your
Majesty and for the audiencia residing in that island.
But, as afterwards appeared, none of these ships reached
their destination; for the one bound to Cuba and Trinidad
had to put in at the port of Guaniguanico, and her crew
had to come by land to Havana, a distance of about
fifty leagues, in search of cargo. This one was the first
to return, and it brought me news of how the other ship,
after taking on board the people at Cozumel, had been
wrecked on the coast of Cuba, near a cape called San
Anton, or Corrientes, everything being lost, and most of
her crew drowned, including a cousin of mine, Juan
de Avalos, her commander and the two Franciscan
friars who accompanied my expedition, besides thirty-
four more people whose names I preserved. Those who
had been saved were wandering, lost in the forest, not
knowing where they were, and almost all had died of
starvation; so that, out of eighty odd persons, only fifteen
survived, who, by good luck, reached that port of Guani-
guanico where my ship was lying. Close at hand, there
was a sort of farm, belonging to a resident of Havana,
where my ship was being loaded, as he had a stock of
provisions; and it was there the survivors found relief.
God knows what sorrow I felt at this loss; for, besides
losing a number of servants and relatives, and a large

Fifth Letter 321

stock of breast plates, muskets, cross-bows, and other
arms, I sincerely regretted that my despatches never
reached Your Majesty, which was of the greatest
consequence to me as I shall hereafter show.

The other ship, bound for Jamaica, and the one going
to Espanola arrived at Trinidad in Cuba, where they
found the licenciate Alonzo de Zuazo whom I Cortes

had left as chief justice, and partly in the Receives
government of this New Spain during my ab- News from
sence; and they also found in that port a Mexico
vessel which those licenciates living in Espanola were
on the point of despatching to New Spain to ascer-
tain if the report spread of my death which was spread
there, was correct.1 When the people of the ship
learned news of me, they changed their course, because
they were bringing thirty-two horses and some saddles
for riding in the Moorish style, besides a certain quantity
of provisions which they believed they could sell best
wherever I was. By this ship, the said licenciate, Alonzo
de Zuazo, wrote to me about the great scandals and com-
motions which had arisen among Your Majesty's officers
in New Spain, who had spread the report of my death,
and two of whom had proclaimed themselves by public
crier as Governors, obliging the people to swear and
recognise them as such. They had imprisoned the said
licenciate, Alonzo de Zuazo, and two other officers, as

i The report of Cortes 's death was so persistently spread, and
with such details of the time and place of his decease, that his own
friends and servants began to believe it. Diego de Ordaz started
with four brigantines on the Xicalango River, which empties into
the gulf, to ascertain, if possible, the truth of the rumours; he met
several Indian traders, who assured him that Cortes had been dead for
seven or eight moons, having been captured after a battle in which he
was wounded in the throat by the Cacique of Cuzamilco, a town on
a lake seven days distant from Xicalango; and that the Cacique had
sacrificed him to the principal deity of the place, called Uchilobos.
(Letter of Albornoz to Charles V., December 26, 1526, apud Mufioz,
torn, lxxvii., fol. clxix).

VOL. 11 — 21

322 Letters of Cortes

well as Rodrigo de Paz whom I had left in custody of my
house and property; they had plundered everything and
removed the alcaldes and judges whom I had appointed,
putting in their places others from amongst their ad-
herents. The letter contained many other things which
are too long to repeat, as I send to Your Majesty the
same original letter which contains them all.

Your Majesty may easily conceive what I felt on the
reception of this news, especially when I learned that
my services had been rewarded by their pillaging my
house, — an unjustifiable thing, — even granting that the
news of my death had been true. Even though they
allege, in order to justify their conduct, that I owed
seventy odd thousand pesos of gold to Your Majesty, they
know full well that, on the other hand, more than one
hundred and fifty thousand such were due to me, which
I have spent, and not ill either, in Your Majesty's service.
My first impulse in reflecting on the means to correct all
this, was to embark at once, and punish so great an
outrage; for, now-a-days, everyone who holds an office
abroad imagines that, unless he swaggers and shows
himself independent, he is no gentleman. I hear that
a similar thing has just happened to Pedro Arias with a
captain of his whom he sent to Nicaragua and who has
recently rebelled against his authority as I will inform
Your Majesty more fully hereafter. On the other hand,
my soul was afflicted at the thought of leaving that
country in the state and condition I would have to, be-
cause it was equivalent to allowing it to go to ruin, and
I am sure that Your Majesty has received good service
and that it will turn out another Culua; for I hear of large
and rich provinces and great lords who live in them in
much state and magnificence; especially of one, called
Hueitapalan, and, in another dialect, Xucutaco, l of
which I have heard for six years past, and during the

» Axucutaco.

Fifth Letter 323

whole of my journey have made inquiries about it and
ascertained that it lies some eight or ten days' march
from Trujillo, which would be between fifty and sixty
leagues. There are such wonderful reports about it
that they excite my admiration, for, even if two-thirds
of them should be untrue, it would nevertheless exceed
Mexico in wealth and equal it in the grandeur of its towns,
the multitude of its population, and its political organisa-
tion. Being thus perplexed, I reflected that nothing is
well done save what is guided by the hand of the Creator
and Promoter of all things, so I had certain masses cele-
brated and made processions, offering other sacrifices and
beseeching God to lead me in the direction most pleasing
to Him.

For several days, I continued this, and still it seemed
to me I should set aside every other consideration and

go at once to remedy those evils. So I left n <+ ^

, 1 . . ~ , uortes J&m-

some thirty-five horsemen and fifty foot-sold- barks for

iers in Trujillo under a cousin of mine, called Mexico

Hernando de Saavedra, brother of that Juan de Avalos

who was drowned coming to that place, who was to

act as my lieutenant; and I gave him my instructions

as to how he was to govern. Having likewise taken

leave of the native lords who had come to see me,

I embarked, with all my household servants, on board

the said vessel, and, having sent orders to the people

in Naco to go overland by the same road Francisco

de las Casas had taken (that is to say along the

south coast, and come out at the place where Pedro de

Alvarado is settled *) as now the road was well known

and safe, and they were in sufficient numbers to go where

they chose, I, likewise, sent instructions to the town of

Natividad as to what they were to do. Being already

embarked, and about to set sail with the last of

anchors weighed, the wind suddenly subsided and my

1 Santiago de Guatemala was the Governor's residence.

324 Letters of Cortes

vessel could not leave port. On the next morning, news
came that among the people whom I had left in that town
there were grumblings about my having absented myself,
which would cause certain scandal, and thus, the weather
not being propitious for sailing I again landed, made an
investigation, and punished the promoters of the trouble
so that quiet was restored. I again embarked and set
sail, but, after making about two leagues, and doubling
a large point in which the port terminates, the main
mast of my ship was broken, so again I was forced to
return to port and repair it. Three more days were
spent for that purpose, when I again left with favourable
weather, and, after sailing two nights and one day, a
powerful head wind assailed us, breaking our main mast,
so that I was again obliged to return to the port with
great difficulty. We gave thanks to God for our safe
arrival, for indeed we had considered ourselves as lost;
and I and all the people were so exhausted that we were
obliged to take some rest; so while the ship was being
repaired I again landed with all the people to await the
change in the weather.

Having seen that I had thrice gone to sea with good
weather and been obliged to return, it seemed that it
was not God's will that I should leave that country in
its present state. I was the more confirmed in this as
some of the Indians whom I had left peaceably disposed
were in some commotion, so again I recommended myself
to God and ordered new processions and had more masses
celebrated, and, having reflected, I decided to send that
vessel in which I had intended to sail for New Spain,
with my cousin Francisco de las Casas on board, pro-
vided with my power of attorney, and my letters to the
municipalities and Your Majesty's officers, reproving
their conduct; also to send some of the principal Indians
who were with me, that they might convince their coun-
trymen that I was not dead as had been reported and

Fifth Letter 325

thus tranquillise them. I arranged everything thus,
although, had I known of the loss of the ship I had first
sent and my despatches respecting the ships in the South
Sea, which I had sent in her, I would have provided more
exact instructions than I did.

After having despatched this ship to New Spain, and
while still ill, owing to my sufferings at sea, from which
I had not yet recovered, I was unable to go inland ; partly,
also, because I was waiting for the return of the ships
from the Islands, and was occupied in settling various
matters. I had sent my lieutenants here with thirty
horsemen and as many foot soldiers to explore the in-
terior; and they marched about thirty-five leagues
through a very beautiful valley, where there were many
and populous villages with an abundance of all kinds of
native fruits, and well adapted for raising any kind of
cattle, as well as for the cultivation of our Spanish agri-
cultural products. They had no hostile encounters with
the natives, but, rather, by speaking to them through
our interpreter and the Indians in the neighbourhood,
who were already our friends and accompanied the ex-
pedition, they succeeded in establishing peaceable re-
lations, so that more than twenty chiefs of the principal
towns visited me and offered themselves willingly as
subjects and vassals of Your Majesty, promising to obey
Your Royal commands, which indeed they have since
done and are still doing. For up to the very day of my
departure, I had some of them always with me, any one
of whom on going away was immediately replaced by
another who came and brought provisions for the town,
and rendered every service asked of him. May it please
God to confirm them in their good will, and guide them
to the ends Your Majesty desires; and I have the fullest
faith that it will be so; for, from so good a beginning, no
bad end is to be expected, unless it be through the fault
of those who are placed in command over them.

326 Letters of Cortes

The provinces of Papayeca and of Champagua, who,
I have already said, were the first to offer themselves to
Your Majesty's service and to become our friends, were
those amongst whom there was some commotion when
I had first embarked, and on my return they were still
rather apprehensive, so I sent messengers to calm them.
Some of the natives of Champagua then came to see
me, but not the chiefs, and, as they refrained from com-
ing and sent their wives and sons and their property away
from their villages, it was apparent they did not trust
us. There were several among those who came daily to
work in the town whom I earnestly begged to return to
their homes, but they never would, sometimes saying,
" to-day," and sometimes, "to-morrow," so I managed
to lay hands on the chiefs, Chiwhuytl, Poto, and Mon-
doreto, whom I imprisoned. I gave them a certain
period within which I ordered them to bring their people
back from the mountains to their towns, threatening to
punish them as rebels if they did not; thus I set them
free and the natives have all returned to their homes
quite pacified and tranquil, and willing to serve us.

The natives of Papayeca, however, would never con-
sent to appear, especially their chiefs who kept all their
Execution people with them in the mountains, their towns
of Mazatl remaining deserted ; although many times sum-
moned they persisted in their disobedience, so I sent a
company of horsemen and foot-soldiers with many natives
of the country thither. This force surprised one of the two
chiefs of the country, named Pizacura, one night, and
captured him; and, having been asked why he was so
wicked and disobedient, he said that he would have
returned to his village long before had his colleague,
Mazatl, who was the most powerful of the community
not refused ; but that, if they would let him go, he would
discover Mazatl's movements so that he could be captured,
for if he were hanged the people would immediately be

Fifth Letter 327

pacified and return to their towns, for he, himself could
collect them all without any opposition. So they set him
free, which was the cause of still greater misfortunes*
as afterwards appeared; for certain friendly Indians,
natives of that country, tracked the said Mazatl to his
hiding place and guided thither some Spaniards. Having
notified him what his companion Pitzacura said about
him, he was ordered to bring his people down from the
mountains into their villages within a given time, but
we could never obtain his consent to this. He was con-
sequently tried, sentenced to death, and executed. This
has been a great example for the others, for, immediately
afterwards, other towns which had rebelled resumed
their obedience, so that there is not a single town left
that is not perfectly peaceful, with its inhabitants and
their families living in security, except Papayeca, which
has never been willing to come to terms.

After the release of Pitzacura, proceedings were begun
against those towns, and war was carried on against
their inhabitants, in the course of which more than one
hundred prisoners were taken and made slaves, amongst
whom was Pitzacura himself. I would not sentence
him to death, although he deserved it, as was shown in
the legal proceedings against him, but have preferred
to bring him with me to this city, together with two others,
chiefs of rebellious towns, so that they might see for
themselves how the natives were treated in this New Spain,
and how they served, all of which they could make
known on their return. Pitzacura died of illness, but
the other two are well, and I shall send them back when
an opportunity offers. The imprisonment of Pitzacura,
however, and of another youth who seemed to be the
rightful heir, together with the punishment inflicted on
those hundred and odd captives who were made slaves,
sufficed to completely pacify the province, and, when I
left that country, all the towns were inhabited and at

328 Letters of Cortes

peace, having been allotted amongst the Spaniards and
serving them apparently with entire good will.

At this time, there arrived at Trujillo a captain with
about twenty men of those I had left at Naco, under
The Colony Gonzalo de Sandoval, and others belonging to
of Pedro the company of Francisco Hernandez, whom
Arias Pedro Arias de Avila, Your Majesty's gov-

ernor in those parts had sent to the province of Nica-
ragua ; I learned from them how the captain of the said
Francisco Hernandez had arrived at Naco with about
forty men, between horses and foot, expecting to reach
the port on the bay of San Andres where he counted
on finding the bachelor, Moreno, whom as I have already
told Your Majesty had been sent to those parts by
the audiencia residing in the island of Espanola. It
appeared that the said bachelor had written to Fran-
cisco Hernandez inciting him to rebel against his lawful
governor, just as he had acted with the people under
Gil Gonzalez and Francisco de las.Casas. That captain
therefore had come for the purpose of concerting with
him how best to throw off obedience to their governor,
and offer allegiance instead to the audiencia of Espanola ;
all of which appeared from certain letters which he carried.

I immediately sent those people back with a letter to
Francisco Hernandez, and particularly to some of his
captains, whom I personally knew, reproving them all
for their wicked doings, and explaining to them that the
bachelor was deceiving them, and that Your Majesty
would be displeased, besides other things which it seemed
to me might serve to win them back from the false course
on which they had embarked. One reason they gave
to justify their conduct was that they were so distant
from Pedro Arias de Avila that it was only with much
difficulty and great cost that they could be provided
with the common necessaries and even then sometimes
not provided at all; and that they were always short of

Fifth Letter 329

commodities and provisions from Spain, which could
easily be obtained at the settlements I had made on that
coast. The said bachelor had written to them, saying
that all the settlers in the country acknowledged the
authority of the audiencia, and that he would soon return
with people and provisions. I answered them that I
would give orders for the settlements to furnish them
with everything they needed and to trade amicably with
them, as both were equally vassals of Your Majesty and
employed in Your Royal service; and that it was to be
well understood that this was to continue as long as they
obeyed their governor, as was their duty, but not other-
wise. Since they told me that what they most required
was horseshoes and iron tools for working in the mines,
I sent two mules loaded with such things to take back
with them, and, when they arrived at the settlement of
Hernando de Sandoval,1 he also gave them two more
mules loaded with horseshoes which I had there.

After they left, some natives from the Province of
Huilacho, sixty-five leagues from Trujillo, who had
previously sent messengers and offered themselves as
vassals to Your Majesty, came to see me, and told me
that twenty-five horsemen and forty foot soldiers, with
many Indians of other provinces, had invaded their
country, and were engaged in outraging and injuring
them, taking away their wives and children, and robbing
them of their goods and chattels. They entreated me
to assist them in as much as, when they had become
my friends, I had promised to defend them against their
enemies. Afterwards, my cousin, Hernando de San-
doval, whom I had left as my lieutenant in those parts,
and who was at that time pacifying the provinces of
Papayeca, sent me two of those very men of whom the
Indians had come to complain. They said they came by
order of their captain to search for the town of Trujillo,

1 Should be Gonzalo de Sandoval.

33° Letters of Cortes

having been told by the Indians that it was near and
that they might come without fear as the entire
country was at peace. I learned from these men that
their companions belonged to Francisco Hernandez and
had come, under command of Gabriel de Rojas as their
captain, in search of that port. I immediately sent those
two Spaniards, together with the natives who had come
to complain, and also one of my alguacils, to Gabriel
de Rojas, intimating to him to leave that province at
once, after restoring to the natives all the property and
women and everything else he had taken from them;
besides this I wrote him a letter saying that if he needed
anything to let me know as I would willingly supply him
to the best of my ability. He complied with my mandate
and instructions at once, which entirely satisfied the
natives of the said province; though afterwards they
returned again to complain that when the alguacils whom
I had sent returned, they had again been robbed. I
wrote therefore to the said Francisco Hernandez, offering
to supply him and his men with everything I could which
they required, enjoining him to remain loyal to his gov-
ernor. I do not know what has occurred since then,
though I learned from the alguacil I sent to Gabriel de
Rojas, and those who went with him, that, when they
were all assembled there, a letter from their captain,
Francisco Hernandez, had arrived addressed to Gabriel
de Rojas, bidding him join him with all possible haste
as great dissensions prevailed among his people, two of
his captains, named Soto and Andres Garabito, having
rebelled on the plea that he was himself about to renounce
his allegiance to Pedro Arias. Thus matters remained
in such a state that only harmful results could follow, not
only to the Spaniards, but also to the natives. Whence
Your Majesty may consider the mischievous consequences
of these commotions, and how necessary it is that the
authors and promoters of them should be punished. I

Fifth Letter 331

desired to go at once to Nicaragua, believing that I could
devise some remedy for the advantage of Your Majesty's
service; and, while making preparations, and having
a road opened through some mountains over which I
had to pass, the vessel sent by me to New Spain returned
to the port of Trujillo, on board which came a cousin of
mine called Fray Diego de Altamirano, a Franciscan friar. *
From what he told me, and from the letters he brought,
I learned of the many disturbances, scandals, and dis-
sensions, which had broken out among Your Report of
Majesty's officials, whom I had left at Mex- Fray Diego
ico in my place ; and which still continued, de Alta-
making it necessary that I should immedi-
ately repair thither to correct those evils. Hence my
journey to Nicaragua and the coast of the South Sea
was necessarily abandoned, in spite of my firm belief
that much service would have been rendered to God
and to Your Majesty, owing to the many extensive and
rich provinces which lay on the way; in some of which,
although they are at peace, the service of Your Majesty
would have been greatly benefited by my passage through
them; especially those of Utlatan and Guatemala, where
Pedro de Alvarado has always resided. In conse-
quence of certain ill-treatment, they had rebelled and
had never afterwards been entirely pacified, but, on the
contrary, have done, and continue to do, much harm to
the Spaniards who live there, and to their Indian friends.
The country is so rough and full of warlike people, so well
skilled in the art of warfare, both offensive and defensive,
that they have invented pits and other engines to kill
the horses, which have been successful; and, although
Pedro de Alvarado has unceasingly waged war against

1 This friar also counselled Cortes to assume more state and
dignity, alleging that one reason some of his enemies affected to treat
him as a mere soldier of fortune was because he had never insisted
sufficiently on what was due to his rank as Captain-General and
Governor; from thenceforward he heeded this advice.

33 2 Letters of Cortes

them, with more than two hundred horsemen and five
hundred Spanish foot soldiers, besides from five to ten
thousand Indians, he has so far been unable to reduce
them to Your Majesty's service, but on the contrary
they become daily stronger through reinforcements of
other people. I believe that, had I been able to go that
way, I might with God's help, through kindness and
other means, have won them over. For some of the
provinces which were driven to rebellion by the ill-treat-
ment they received during my absence and against
which had marched no less than one hundred and twenty
horsemen three hundred footmen, and considerable
artillery, besides thousands of Indian auxiliaries, all
under command of the inspector who governed at that
time, not only continued in their rebellion, but rather
succeeded, and killed ten or twelve Spaniards and many
Indians; but when I arrived it sufficed to simply send
them a message of my speedy coming, for all the prin-
cipal persons of that province to come and explain to me
the cause of their rising. It really seemed to me suffi-
ciently just, for the Spaniards to whom they had been
given in charge had burned eight of their principal chiefs
alive, five of them dying on the spot, and the remaining
three, a few days after; and, although they had demanded
reparation and justice, they had not obtained it; so I
consoled them in such manner that they went away
satisfied, and have so far continued to live peaceably,
and to serve as they had done before I went away. There-
fore I am persuaded that the other towns in the province
of Coatzacoalco, which are in the same plight, on hearing
of my arrival, and without even sending messengers to
them, will become tranquil.

In another part of my narrative, most Catholic Ma-
The Slave jesty, I have already spoken of certain small
Trade islands off the port of Honduras, which are

called Los Guanajos, some of which have been depop-

Fifth Letter 333

ulated by the expeditions sent there from the Islands
to capture its natives and make slaves of them.
But some of the inhabitants had survived, and I re-
cently learned in the islands of Cuba and Jamaica
that an expedition had just been fitted out to com-
plete the devastation, by carrying away the remain-
der; so I sent a caravel to stop the armada amongst
the said islands, and to enjoin, on the part of Your Ma-
jesty, that no sort of injury should be done to the natives,
for I intended to pacify them, and bring them to Your
Majesty's service, as I had heard from some who were
settled on the mainland of their peaceable dispositions.
This caravel encountered at one of the islands, called
Huititla, another caravel, of which Rodrigo de Merlo was
captain. My captain found means to bring him to me
with all the natives he had captured in that island. I
immediately sent the natives back to their homes, and
did not proceed against the captain, for he showed me
the written permission he had from the governor of
Cuba, with a proper authorisation from the judges residing
in the island of Espanola. I, therefore, dismissed him
and his people with no other punishment than that of
liberating the captives he had brought from the said
Islands; but the captain and most of his company liked
the country so much, they remained with us as settlers
in those towns.

The chiefs of those Islands recognised the kindness they
had received from me, and, having learned from their
countrymen who had settled on the mainland, what good
treatment I gave them, came to thank me for the benefits
I had extended to them, offering themselves as subjects
and vassals of Your Highness, and asking me to show
them how they could serve; so I ordered them, in Your
Majesty's name, that, for the present, they should culti-
vate the fields in their country, because in truth they are
good for nothing else. So they went away carrying for

334 Letters of Cortes

each of these islands my written order, notifying any
Spaniard who might arrive there that they were to be
in no manner molested ; and they begged me also to place
a Spaniard in each of the Islands, which although I could
not then agree to, on account of the nearness of my de-
parture, I left instructions with my lieutenant, Hernando
de Sandoval, to attend to. Immediately afterwards,
I embarked on the ship which had brought me the news
of the events in this country, taking in her and in two
other vessels which I then had in port, some of the people
who had accompanied me on that expedition. We were
about twenty in number, with our horses, for most of
the people preferred to remain in those towns as settlers,
and the others were already waiting for me on the road,
thinking I was to return by land. I sent them a message
informing them of my departure by sea, and the cause of it,
and ordered them to proceed on their march ; they have not
yet arrived but I have positive information of their coming.
Everything being thus ordered in those towns which
I had settled in Your Majesty's name (though to my
Cortes at great regret I was not able to leave them as
Havana well provided as I desired) I put to sea on
the twenty-fifth of April, with three ships, and sailed
with such fine weather that, in four days, I arrived
within one hundred and fifty leagues of the port
of Chalchicuela.1 There, I encountered such a heavy
storm that I could not proceed, and, believing it would
abate, I put out to sea for one day and a night;
but such was the tempest that the ships were almost
wrecked, and I was driven to take refuge in the Island
of Cuba, where, within six days, I entered the port
of Havana, being received with rejoicing by the resi-
dents, as among them there were many friends of
the time when I lived in that island. As the vessels
had suffered much damage from the bad weather, it was

1 Indian name for Vera Cruz. Also spelled Chalchuihcuecan.

Fifth Letter 335

necessary to have them repaired, which cost me a delay
of ten days, and even obliged me to buy another vessel,
which was in port being careened, so that I could leave
mine which was leaking badly there.

The day after my arrival at Havana, a vessel from New
Spain entered that harbour, and, on the second day
there came another, and, on the third day, still another.
I learned from them that all the country was at peace,
and quite tranquil since the death of the factor and the
inspector, though they told me there had been some rioting
and that the instigators had been punished. I greatly
rejoiced at this news, as I feared my sudden return from
my expedition had caused some new uneasiness. Having
written, though briefly, to Your Majesty from there,
I sailed from Havana on the sixteenth day of May, bring-
ing with me some thirty persons who had come secretly
from this place ; and within eight days I reached the port
of Chalchicuela. I was unable to enter the port, owing
to a change of weather, but remained outside some two
leagues off. At nightfall, having manned my ship's
boat, as well as a brigantine which we had found aban-
doned at sea, I landed and proceeded on foot to the town
of Medellin, about four leagues distant from my landing
place; and without having been seen or heard by anyone
in the town I went to the church to give thanks to Our
Lord. My arrival having become known almost im-
mediately, the inhabitants rejoiced with me, and I with
them; and that very night I despatched messengers to
this city, as well as to the towns of the country, announc-
ing my arrival to them, and making certain provisions
which seemed to me important and to the advantage of
Your Sacred Majesty's service, and the good of the
country. I remained there eleven days, to obtain some
rest, and recover from the fatigues of my long journey, 1

1 Cortes was so broken by the fatigues of these expeditions, and
so reduced by fever and his wounds, that he was scarcely recognisable,

336 Letters of Cortes

during which time I was visited by many chiefs and
other notable natives of these parts who showed great
joy at my arrival. From there, I set out for this city,
and was fifteen days on the road, constantly receiving the
visits of many natives, some of whom had come eighty
leagues to see me ; for they had placed their post messen-
gers on the roads so as to be informed of my coming which
they were expecting. Thus, in a short time, numbers
came from many and distant parts to see me, shedding
tears with me, and speaking such affectionate and kind
words while they recounted all the troubles they had
endured during my absence, in consequence of the bad
treatment shown them, that it broke the hearts of all
who listened to them. And, although it would be diffi-
cult to give a full account to Your Majesty of all the
things they related to me, some are worthy enough to
be told; nevertheless I reserve them to be told by word
of mouth.

Upon reaching this city, both Spaniards and natives
congregated here and received me with as much joy and
Cortes At- gladness as though I were their own father.
rives in The treasurer and accountant of Your Majesty
Mexico came out to receive me at the head of a large

and many could hardly persuade themselves that the emaciated man
they saw was the gallant Malinche. He was received with the wildest
rejoicing, the Indians outdoing the Spaniards in their enthusiasm;
for, despite the sufferings he had brought upon them, he understood
how to be kind to them, and, compared with the cold brutality and
insatiable rapacity of the mean-spirited officials who had oppressed
the natives during his absence, Cortes's treatment of them seemed
to these poor people that of a paternal benefactor. Padre Cavo in
recounting the events of this period says that "these were surely
among :the happiest days of Cortes's life, for he could hardly proceed
on his march on account of the constant demonstrations of the
crowds of Indians who came, some of them even from sixty leagues
distant, to see him, and bring him presents, so that, had he been
their own king Montezuma, they could not have behaved differently.
Cortes more than once was moved to tears by such unexpected
demonstration of joy from this simple people. "

Fifth Letter 337

body of people, on foot and on horseback, all in
good order and showing the same signs of good will
as all the others; so I went directly to the church
and monastery of St. Francis, to return thanks to Our
Lord, Who had delivered me from such and so great
perils and troubles, bringing me again to repose in peace,
and to find a country which had been torn by such com-
motions in a state of tranquillity and peace.

I remained for six days with the monks to give an
account of my sins to God. Two days before I left the
convent, a messenger arrived from the town of Medellin,
announcing the arrival at that port of certain vessels,
in one of which it was reported there came by order of
Your Majesty a judge of inquiry. Only the bare fact
was known, but I believed that Your Majesty, having
heard of the tumults and commotions into which Your
Highness's officials had plunged this country which I had
left in their charge, and not being sure of my return to it,
had ordered the situation to be provided for. God knows
how much I rejoiced, as it would have given me much
pain to act as judge in this cause, for I had myself been
so much injured and ill-treated, and my property so
destroyed by these tyrants, that any judgment of mine
might have been suspected of proceeding from passion,
though indeed no sentence of mine would have exceeded
the severity their faults merited. I therefore despatched
a messenger in all haste to the port of Medellin, to
ascertain with certainty, sending an order also to the
Lieutenant of Justice of the said town that Your Ma-
jesty's judge should be well received and honoured and
lodged in a house which I owned there, and that he, and
all who accompanied him, should receive every attention;
although as it afterwards appeared he would accept
nothing.1

1 As Cortes states, the commissioner showed himself rather
reserved towards him, refusing his presents and deprecating his hos-
vol. 11. — 2 2

338 Letters of Cortes

The day after I despatched that message, which was
the feast of St. John, another messenger arrived while
I was witnessing certain bull rights and other games
proper for the festivity, bringing me a letter from the
said judge, and another from Your Sacred Majesty,
from which I learned the purpose of his coming, and
that Your Catholic Majesty had been pleased to order an
investigation into my administration of the government
of this country. In truth, I greatly rejoiced, not only
for the immense favours Your Sacred Majesty has done
me in desiring to be informed of my services and faults,
but also for the graciousness with which Your Highness
has been pleased to let me know through your letter
Your Royal intentions to reward me. For the one and
the other I kiss the Royal Feet of Your Catholic Majesty
a hundred thousand times, and may God, our Lord, grant
that, after receiving such favours, I may still be able
to serve somewhere, and that Your Catholic Majesty may
recognise the sincerity of my desire, which recognition
alone will be no small reward for me.

In the letter which the Judge Luis Ponce wrote me,
I was informed that he was about leaving for this city,
Arrival of an<^» as there are two principal roads by which
Luis Ponce he might come and he did not state which
de Leon 0f them he proposed to follow, I sent serv-

pitable intentions. He over-ate himself at the splendid banquet
he did attend at Iztapalapan, being especially intemperate in the
matter of iced drinks of various sorts, so that he was seized with chills,
fever, and violent vomiting from which he shortly died. Cortes's
account of others falling ill, and a sort of epidemic introduced by the
newcomers prevailing, is not confirmed by the reports of others
present. Cavo says just the contrary, that, though the others at the
banquet ate and drank freely of everything, nobody else suffered from
it. The report that the commissioner had been poisoned was at once
started, and Albornoz, who left for Spain just at that time, carried
the tale thither; so that not even the sworn statement of the doctors
who attended Ponce de Leon, affirming that he died of a malignant
fever sufficed to entirely kill this calumny.

Fifth Letter 339

ants of my household upon each of them to wait up-
on him and show him the way. The said Luis Ponce
travelled in such haste, however, that, although we
had used all despatch, my people met him only twenty
leagues from this city; and although he received my
messengers cordially he refused to accept their ser-
vices. Although I was sorry at this, because, owing
to his hurried travelling he required assistance, I was
on the other hand glad, because his refusal proved him to
be a just man, who desired to execute his functions with
all straightforwardness, and inasmuch as he had come
to investigate my conduct, he was unwilling to give rise
to suspicion by accepting my hospitality. He arrived
one evening two leagues from this city, where he passed
the night ; and I prepared everything to receive him prop-
erly on the following day, but he sent me word not to
come out to meet him in the morning, as he intended
to dine where he was, asking me merely to send him a
chaplain to say mass for him, which I did. Suspecting
that this was only an excuse, as it afterwards turned
out to be, to avoid the reception, I was on my guard,
but he left so early that although I made all haste, he
was already within the city when I met him; so we rode
together to the monastery of St. Francis, where we as-
sisted at mass. After this, I said that, if he desired to
present his provisions then, it could be done, for the
entire municipal council of the city was assembled there,
as well as the treasurer and accountant of Your Majesty.
He declined to do this, saying that he would present them
the next day. And, so it was done; for, the next day,
we assembled in the principal church of the city (the
dean and chapter, as well as the said officials and myself
being present) , when the said Luis Ponce presented the
royal letters, which I, and all those who assisted at
the ceremony, received and kissed, and placed upon our
heads as provisions of our King and rightful Sovereign,

34° Letters of Cortes

to be obeyed and complied with in all respects, and by
everyone, according as Your Sacred Majesty was pleased
to order. The municipal officers delivered their wands
into his hands, and all the other ceremonies were com-
plied with, as Your Majesty will see by the official acts
drawn by the notary public of the municipal council, in
whose presence everything was executed. The public
crier announced in the square of the city the investiga-
tions which Luis Ponce had come to institute, but during
seventeen days no one presented any complaint against
me. About this time, the said judge Luis Ponce fell ill,
as did also those who had come with him in his armada,
and, the disease increasing, it was God's pleasure that
he should die of it, as did also thirty others, amongst
whom were two monks of the order of St. Dominic;
moreover, even at this time there are still many persons
ill and in danger of death ; for the disease they brought
with them in that armada seemed almost to be a plague,
as even some who reside here took the contagion and
two of them died, while others are still in a convalescent
state.

Immediately after the death of Luis Ponce, his
funeral was celebrated with all the honour due to a
person of his authority sent by Your Majesty. I was
then earnestly requested by the Municipal Corporation of
this city as well as by the Procurators of all the towns who
had assembled here, to take charge of the government, in
the name of Your Catholic Majesty, and to carry on the
administration of justice conceded me by Your Majesty's
order and by Your Royal Provisions, giving their reasons
therefor, and explaining the evils which would follow
in case I would not accept it, as Your Majesty may see
by the report of these proceedings which will accompany
this letter. I sought to excuse myself from this, as will
appear by the said copy, but other requirements have
since been made of me in the same sense, pointing out

Fifth Letter 341

greater evils as likely to follow should I not accept, and,
though I have defended myself until now and have not
yielded, I can see that there do in reality exist some evils.
But I desired Your Majesty should be convinced of my
purity and fidelity in Your Royal service, which is my
chief aim, because thinking otherwise of me, all other
good things in this world are nothing to me, and I would
rather die. I have therefore put aside everything for this
purpose and insist with all my influence upon a certain
licenciate, called Marcos de Aguilar, whom the said Luis
Ponce brought as h'eoj'e is'joAvui apj as his successor,
requesting and entreati Suhim to continue the investiga-
tion to its finish. He has refused to do this, alleging
insufficient powers, for which I am exceedingly sorry,
as there is nothing in the world I desire so much as to
have Your Majesty properly informed of my virtues and
sins (and this not without reason) for I believe, as an
article of faith, that Your Catholic Majesty will grant me
ample rewards, not taking into consideration the small-
ness of my past services, but because Your Majesty is
bound to display munificence towards one who has served
you with such fidelity as I have.

Nothing of this should be allowed to remain obscure,
but all the good and bad of my services should be mani-
festly and clearly published, for it is a point Accusations
of honour with me, to obtain which I have against
gone through so many trials, and exposed Cortes

myself to so many dangers. So that I hope that
neither God, nor Your Majesty out of respect to Him,
will allow invidious and corrupt tongues to deprive
me of what I prize most. I neither desire nor ask
of Your Majesty any other reward in payment of
my services than this. God grant that I shall not live
without it. I feel, Most Catholic Prince, that, from the
beginning of my expeditions, I have had many and
powerful rivals and enemies; yet their wickedness and

342 Letters of Cortes

malice have not sufficed to eclipse the fame of my fidelity
and services; hence in despair they have sought to ob-
scure Your Majesty's vision, and lead you astray from
the Holy and Catholic intentions which I have always
recognised in Your Excellency, to acknowledge and re-
ward my services. One of their means is to accuse me
before Your Majesty of treason, saying that I refused
obedience to Your Royal commands; that I held this
country not in Your Powerful name, but under my own
tyrannical and despotic rule, for which they give some
depraved and diabolical reasons which are entirely false
and spring from their depraved invention.1

Did they but look sincerely into my acts, and were
they just judges, they would be forced to recognise the
reverse of what they declare, for, up to now, it has not
been, nor will it ever be, seen whilst I live that any letter
or command of Your Majesty has been refused scrupulous
obedience. Now the iniquity and malice of those who
have made these accusations will be more clearly and
entirely proved and made manifest, because, had what
they say been true, I would certainly not have gone six
hundred leagues from this city, through an uninhabited
country, and by dangerous roads, leaving the govern-
ment to Your Majesty's officials whom I had every
reason to believe were most zealous in the Royal service
though indeed their actions did not correspond to the
confidence I placed in them. Their other argument is
that I held the greater part of the natives here as my
slaves, treating them as such and profiting by their
services and work, by which means I have amassed a large
sum of gold and silver treasure, and that I have used the
revenues of Your Catholic Majesty, without necessity,
to the sum of sixty odd thousand pesos of gold ; also that
I have not sent the full amount of the Royal revenues
to Your Excellency, retaining them under various pre-

1 See appendix to this Letter.

Fifth Letter 343

texts for purposes which I have not succeeded in accom-
plishing. I can easily believe that, perhaps, they partly
believed this, as such rumours are current, but they are
contrary to the facts, and I am fully confident that the
first use of the touchstone will suffice to discover the
counterfeit. As to what they say about my possessing
the large portion of the land, I admit this to be true, and
I have likewise had for my share a good sum and quan-
tity of gold; but I declare it has not been sufficient to
raise me above poverty, and free me from debt, for I
owe more than five hundred thousand pesos in gold, to
pay which I do not possess a single peso; because, if my
share has been large, the expenditures have been greater,
for I have consumed very large sums, not in buying lands,
nor in founding entails, nor acquiring any sort of property
for myself and heirs, but in extending the dominion and
patrimony of Your Highness in these parts, and in gaining
and conquering many kingdoms and lordships for Your
Excellency, and exposing myself to risks and dangers.

These malicious men will never be able to conceal, or
defame with their viperous tongues, these services, because,
by examining my books, it will be found Cortes

that I have spent in these conquests more Renders
than three hundred thousand pesos in gold Account
belonging to my own fortune and household; hav-
ing finished with that, I have spent sixty thousand
pesos in gold, belonging to Your Majesty, which were
not used for me, for I never touched them, but
they were paid out on my vouchers for the cost and
expenses of this conquest. Whether they have been pro-
fitably spent or not may be seen by the patent results
which are manifest to all. Respecting what they say
of my not sending the revenues to Your Majesty, this
is also manifestly contrary to the truth, because, in the
short time which has elapsed since I came here, more
treasure has been sent to Your Majesty than from all the

344 Letters of Cortes

Islands and mainland put together, which we discovered
and peopled thirty odd years ago at great expense and
outlay, made by the Catholic Kings, your grandparents,
which was not the case in this country. Not only have
I sent to Your Majesty all belonging to Your Royal
dues, but I have also sent what belonged to me, and those
who attended me, taking no account of what we have
here spent in Your Royal service. When I sent the
first remission to Your Majesty, with Alonzo Hernandez
Puertocarrero, and Francisco de Montejo, we not only
sent the fifth of all that had been acquired which belonged
to Your Majesty, but the entire amount of what had
been obtained ; for it seemed right of me to do so, being,
as these things were, the first fruits.

Afterwards, the fifth of all the gold obtained in this
city during the lifetime of its sovereign, Montezuma,
was sent to Your Majesty; I mean of that part which
was smelted, and which amounted to thirty odd thou-
sand castellanos; and, although the jewellery ought also
to have been distributed, giving the people their shares,
both they and I were glad to send all of it to Your
Majesty, which amounted to more than five hundred
thousand pesos in gold. The loss of all this when it was
taken from us on our expulsion from this city during
the rebellion, caused by the coming of Narvaez to this
country, although deserved for my sins, was not caused
by my negligence.

When the city was reconquered and reduced to the
royal service of Your Highness the same course was
followed; of the gold that was smelted, one-fifth was
assigned to Your Majesty; and I also obtained that all
of jewels and other valuable objects belonging to my
men should be sent to Your Highness, and these were
certainly not less valuable and precious than the first
we had secured. I despatched them together with
thirty thousand pesos of gold, in bars, in charge of Julian

Fifth Letter 345

Alderete, Your Majesty's treasurer in these parts, but
they were captured by the French. * Neither was this
my fault, but rather the fault of those who did not pro-
vide a sufficient armada in time to go to the Azores for
the protection of such an important treasure. As I was
starting on my later expedition to the Gulf of Hibueras,
I, likewise, sent to Your Excellency sixty thousand pesos
of gold, by Diego de Ocampo and Francisco de Montejo;
and, if a greater amount was not sent, it was owing to
the orders issued by Your Majesty's Council of the Indies,
respecting the gold to be sent from these parts to Spain;
for, indeed, we somewhat exceeded ourselves and con-
travened the orders in sending such an amount at one
time. We ventured to do this, however, on account of the
stress in which Your Majesty was for want of money, and
I, likewise, sent at the same time to Your Highness, with
my servant Diego de Soto, everything I possessed,
there not being one peso of gold left me, including a field
piece which in its material and manufacture had cost me
more than thirty-five thousand pesos in gold 2 ; likewise
certain jewels of gold and stones which belonged to me,
and which I sent, not so much on account of their value,
although this was not insignificant for me, but because
the French had captured the first consignment I had
sent, and it grieved my soul that Your Sacred Majesty
should not have seen those things. Thus, in order that
a sample might be seen, even though trifling in com-
parison with the things I first sent, I sent all I possessed
of the kind. Hence, I cannot understand what reason
there could be for keeping back anything belonging to

1 See Note to Fourth Letter, p. 159.

2 Already in the Fourth Letter, Cortes explained to the Em-
peror the exact cost of this unique piece of artillery; that he here
repeats himself may be due to reasonable fear that his former letter
never reached its destination; for many of those he wrote were lost.
He has no delicacy about insisting upon the value of his gift to the
Emperor.

346 Letters of Cortes

Your Highness, when I have desired with pure zeal only
to serve Your Catholic Majesty with all I possess. I am,
likewise, told by the officials, that, during my absence,
certain quantities of gold have been remitted, so that,
in truth, the remittances have never ceased being sent
every time an opportunity offered.

It has, likewise, been stated, most Powerful Lord, that
Your Majesty has been informed that I received, from
Cortes Pro- t^ie Province allotted to me, profits amount-
poses to ing to an income of two hundred millions.
Return to As my desire neither is, nor has been, other
pain than that Your Catholic Majesty should

know beyond all doubt my zeal for Your service, and
should be entirely satisfied that I have always told, and
will tell the truth, I cannot manifest it better than to
place this much revenue at Your Majesty's disposition,
and there could be no better opportunity than the present
to dispel any suspicions, which, according to public
rumour, Your Majesty has concerning me; hence I be-
seech Your Majesty to accept for your service all that
I possess here and to do me the favour of granting me
instead a donation of twenty millions in Spain. In this
way, Your Majesty will keep the remaining one hundred
and eighty millions, and I shall live contentedly at Your
Majesty's Court, where no one, I protest, will exceed
me in fidelity, nor dare to doubt my services to the
Crown. I shall, also, be better able to serve Your
Majesty there, for, being an eye witness, I can inform
Your Highness as to what will most advance Your
Royal service, preventing any false accounts from deceiv-
ing Your Highness. I assure Your Sacred Majesty that
my service there will not be of less importance, for my
advice may help to preserve this land, and advance the
conversion of the natives to our Catholic Faith, and in-
crease Your Majesty's revenues in these parts, rather
than see them diminished as has happened in the Islands

Fifth Letter 347

and on the mainland for want of good government, when
the Catholic Kings, grandparents of Your Majesty, not
being properly counselled, but advised by interested
people who misrepresented the true conditions, as indeed
all those have done who have sent reports from those
countries. For two reasons I do desire of Your Sacred
Majesty so great a favour as to allow me to come and
serve in Your Royal presence, the first and principal one
being to satisfy Your Majesty and the rest of the world
of my loyalty and fidelity in Your Royal service, because
I esteem this more than anything else in the world; for,
if I have exposed myself to so many fatigues and dangers,
and have suffered such hardships, it was to gain the
renown of being a servant of Your Majesty, and of Your
Royal and Imperial Crown, and not from covetousness
of treasures. Of treasures, indeed, I have had a sufficient
quantity if they could satisfy me, — I mean for such a
modest esquire as myself, — nor would I have spent them
lavishly to advance that which I hold to be my first and
most important object. If I have not obtained that
favour, which I so much covet, doubtless my sins have
been the cause, and I believe that nothing is capable
of satisfying me if this immense favour which I implore,
is not granted me by Your Majesty.

Lest Your Majesty should imagine that I ask too much,
though the sum is hardly sufficient for my decent main-
tenance at Court, I will be contented with ten millions
of yearly revenue.1 This would enable me to appear
worthily after having held the charge of Governor in the
Royal name of Your Majesty in these parts, and having
extended the Royal patrimony and dominion of Your
Majesty by bringing under Your Princely yoke so many
provinces, peopled by so many and such great cities;
and by destroying idolatries and offences against our

1 Meaning presumably the yearly revenue from a capital of ten mil-
lions, though it is expressed as here translated.

348 Letters of Cortes

Creator, and converting many natives to His knowledge
by planting the true Catholic Faith in this land. If
they are not prevented by those who look upon these
things with evil eyes, and whose zeal is directed to other
ends, a new Church will very certainly be raised shortly
in these parts, where God, our Lord, will be better served
and honoured than anywhere else in the world. I repeat,
that, if Your Majesty will grant me ten millions of revenue
in your realms, and allow me to serve you in Spain, I shall
consider it a great favour, even leaving behind all I
possess here ; for thus my desire to serve Your Majesty
in Your Royal presence will be satisfied, and Your High
ness will likewise be convinced of my loyalty and zeal.

The other reason for wishing to appear before Your
Majesty is that I may give information respecting the
state of this country, and even of the Islands, which will
advance the service of God, our Lord, and of Your
Majesty; for, on the spot, my words, would be believed,
which is not the case respecting what I write from here,
as what I say has been attributed to my interested
motives and not to my zeal as a vassal of Your Sacred
Majesty.

My desire to kiss the Royal feet of Your Sacred
Majesty, and to be promoted to serve in Your Royal Pres-
ence is beyond all expression. If Your Highness be not
pleased to allow this, or deems it inopportune to grant me
the favour I beg, by allowing me a set yearly income to
support me at Court, I pray Your Highness to allow me
to retain in this country what I now possess here, or what
my agents will beseech Your Majesty, in my name, grant-
ing it as a perpetual pension for myself and my heirs,
so that I may not be obliged to return to Spain, asking
people for God's sake to give me food. I shall consider
it a great boon if Your Majesty will grant what I so
fervently desire, for I trust in my service and in the
Catholic conscience of Your Sacred Majesty and that,

Fifth Letter 349

beholding the purity of my intentions, Your Highness
will not allow me to live poor.

The arrival of this judge of inquiry seemed to me to
furnish a good occasion and sufficient cause for the accom-
plishment of my said wish; and I even began to put it
into execution, but was hindered by two things; one of
which was that I was without money, for my house in
this city had been pillaged and robbed of all its contents,
as Your Majesty is already apprised; and the other was
the fear that, during my absence in this country, the
natives might rebel, and dissensions might break out
amongst the Spaniards; for the experience of the past
may well serve to forecast the future.

While I, Most Catholic Lord, was engaged in preparing
this despatch for Your Sacred Majesty, a messenger
arrived from the South Sea, bringing me a Expedition
letter that a ship had arrived on that coast, of Loaysa
near a place called Tecoantepeque, which, as it ap-
peared from another letter addressed to me by the
captain of the said ship, and which I send to Your
Majesty, belongs to the armada sent under command of
the Captain Loaysa to the Malucco Islands.1 Your
Majesty will learn from this captain's letter the inci-
dents of his voyage, so I will not repeat them to Your
Highness but limit myself to explaining what I did.
I immediately sent a competent person to the place

1 This fleet of some six vessels under command of Garcia Jofre de
Loaysa sailed in August, 1525, for the Molucca Islands, a conven-
tion having been previously established with Portugal to avoid a
conflict of claims. It encountered many misfortunes, and its com-
mander, the navigator Sebastian del Cano, and other officers, died
during the voyage. The vessel, of which Cortes writes, reached the
Mexican coast under command of Fortunio de Alango, her captain,
Santiago de Guevara, having succumbed to the privations of the
voyage when in sight of port. Only one of Loaysa's ships reached its
proposed destination, and founded a small struggling settlement
on the Isla de los Reyes, which was later abandoned when the Spanish
crown lost interest in the Spice Islands' ventures (Bancroft, Hist.
Mex., vol. ii., cap. xiii).

35°

Letters of Cortes

where the ship had arrived, to arrange for the said
captain to return to Spain immediately if he so desired,
providing him with everything necessary for his voyage;
and to learn from him the particulars of his voyage so that
I might make a full report of everything to Your Highness
as soon as possible. Lest the ship might need repairs
I also sent thither a pilot to bring her to the port of
Zacatula, where I have three ships ready to start on a
voyage of discovery in those parts and coasts, and I
gave orders that she should be repaired and refitted for
Your Majesty's service, and for the needs of her voyage.
As soon as I receive information from the ship, I shall
immediately forward it, so that Your Majesty, being
fully informed, may give the orders most expedient
for Your Royal service.

My ships in the South Sea, as I have told Your
Majesty, are prepared to start on their voyage; for, as
soon as I arrived in this capital, I began to hasten their
departure ; and they would already have sailed but that
they were waiting for certain arms, artillery, and am-
munition, which had come from Spain, for their service
and that of Your Majesty. I hope, in Our Lord, that Your
Majesty's good fortune will enable me to render good
services by this voyage ; for, even if a strait should not be
discovered, I hope to find some route to the Spice Islands,
so that Your Majesty may have yearly news of events
there. Should Your Majesty be pleased to grant me
the favours I have asked in a certain capitulation re-
specting that discovery, I offer myself to conquer all
the Spiceries, and any other islands there may be be-
tween Malucco, Malacca, and China, and to arrange
matters so that, instead of obtaining spices and drugs
by trading with the king of Portugal, who now owns
them, Your Majesty may obtain them as your own
property, once the natives of those islands have ac-
knowledged Your Majesty as their king and rightful

Fifth Letter 351

sovereign. For, I pledge myself, if the said grants be
made to me, to send such an armada thither, or to go
myself personally, as will subdue those islands, settling
Spaniards there whom I will provide with forts and
the necessary artillery and war stores to defend them-
selves against all the princes of those parts or any other.
Should Your Majesty be pleased that I undertake this
business, granting me what I asked, I believe it will be
for the good of Your service; and I propose that, should
it not turn out as I have stated, Your Majesty shall
order me to be punished as one who has reported falsely
to his Sovereign.

Since my return, I have, likewise, ordered people to
go overland to settle on the River Tabasco, which is also
called Grijalba, and to conquer many provinces in that
neighbourhood, whereby God, our Lord, and Your
Majesty, will be well served, and the ships navigating in
those parts will derive much benefit. The port is a good
one, and, if populated by Spaniards, and if the coast
tribes be pacified, the vessels coming and going will be
safe, whereas heretofore the natives there have been
savage, and have killed the Spaniards who landed there.

As Your Majesty has already been informed, I have
also sent three companies of men to the province of the
Zapotecas1 to invade it in three different places, so as
to complete its reduction in the shortest possible period;
this will be of great service, not only because of the mis-
chief which those natives work on the other peaceable
ones in the neighbourhood, but also because they occupy
the richest mining districts existing in New Spain, from
which, when conquered Your Majesty will derive great

1 During this expedition against the Zapoteca and Mixi tribes,
the Spaniards accumulated about one hundred thousand pesos of
gold, partly by rifling the graves of chiefs. The leaders were in-
experienced, and fell to quarrelling amongst themselves. One of
their ships with some fifteen men, and all the treasure, foundered in a
gale off Vera Cruz.

352 Letters of Cortes

profit. I have, likewise, prepared an expedition to settle
on the banks of the River Las Palmas, l which is on the
north coast, below Panuco, in the direction of Florida,
for I have been informed that the land is good and that
there is a seaport; all of which persuades me that God,
Our Lord, and Your Majesty will not be less served there
than in other parts.

1 The territory of Rio de las Palmas just north of Panuco had
been granted to Panfilo de Narvaez, and was reputed to be extra-
ordinarily rich in gold and precious stones. Cortes's proposed expedi-
tion was withdrawn to avoid encroaching on the rights of Narvaez, and
a free hand was thus left to Nufio de Guzman, a man of noble birth
from Guadalajara, who had been for some years at Puerta de Plata
in San Domingo, until, through Diego Velasquez's influence, he was
appointed Governor of Panuco. For cruelty, rapacity, and violence, he
was among all the Spaniards in Mexico, either before or after him facile
princeps. In his Governorship of Panuco, he had already violated
all the conventions with the natives, and, in defiance of the royal ordi-
nances, had so hunted down the Indians, branding them and shipping
as slaves to the Islands, that his province was almost depopulated.
He was just as violent in his treatment of the Spaniards, directing his
severities, especially towards all who were known as friends of Cortes.

He invaded neighbouring provinces, and, when the settlers resisted,
his superior force enabled him either to drive them out, seize their
lands, or to capture them, and, without even a trial, condemn them
to torture and death. He nailed one Spaniard to a tree by a nail
through his tongue for using impertinent language to him.

Promoted to the Governorship of Mexico, the field for carrying on
his sinister exploits was enlarged, and no oppression, extortion, or
outrage, which his fiendish ingenuity could devise, or his avarice
suggest, was omitted to subjugate all alike to his will; later his ex-
pedition into the north-west left the same trail of robbery and murder
behind. He was finally arrested and sent to Spain for trial, where,
in 1540, Cortes had the magnanimity to interest himself in behalf of
his old enemy, who was penniless, friendless, and in prison at Torrejon
de Velasco, some eight leagues distant from the capital, even sending
him money for his wants. Guzman died, however, before his trial
was finished. Bustamente moralises on the strange contradiction in
the character of Cortes, which prompted such generosity to the most
inveterate enemy he had ever had, one who since years had worked
him every injury in his power, while he showed himself so heartless
in his treatment of the brave King Quauhtemotzin, whom he hanged
in the dead of night, in the wilds of Yucatan, for no fault whatever »
after having robbed and tortured him in Mexico.

Fifth Letter 353

Between the northern coast and the Province of
Mechoacan, there is a certain tribe called Chichimecas. 1
They are a very barbarous people, and not so Ex ....
intelligent as those of these provinces. I have, against the
likewise, sent sixty horsemen, two hundred Chichi-
foot soldiers, and many native allies, against mecas
them, to discover the secrets of that province and its
people. I have instructed them that, should they find
the people there susceptible of civilisation and con-
version to Our Faith, as these others have been, and
showing a disposition for Your Majesty's service, to make
some settlement in the country, and to bring them peace-
ably under the yoke of Your Majesty. But that if they
did not find them as I have just said, but rebellious and
disobedient, to make war on them and reduce them to
slavery; for, there is nothing so superfluous in this coun-
try as those who refuse to acknowledge and serve Your
Majesty. By making slaves of these barbarians, who
are almost savages, Your Majesty will be served, and
the Spaniards greatly benefited, as they will dig for gold,
and perhaps through contact with us, some of them may
save their souls.

I have learned that, in the midst of these Chichimecas,
there are some thickly populated parts where there are
large towns whose people live in the same manner as the
Mexicans. Some of these towns have even been seen
by Spaniards, and I am confident that the country will
be settled, for I am assured that it abounds in silver
mines.

About two months before leaving this capital for the

1 The Chichimecas were the most ancient of Mexican nations, and
were savages dwelling in caves, living by the chase, and having
nothing of the Aztec civilisation, and yet, according to Motolinia
(Toribio de Benevente) they were monogamists, sun-worshippers,
and made no human sacrifices, their offerings being snakes and
butterflies.

354 Letters of Cortes

Gulf of Hibueras, most Powerful Lord, I despatched a
captain to the town of Coliman, which is on the South Sea,
one hundred and four leagues from here, ordering him
to follow that coast, for a hundred and fifty or two hun-
dred leagues, for the sole purpose of learning all about it,
and of discovering if there were any ports. He executed
my orders, penetrating one hundred and thirty leagues
inland, and bringing me an account of many ports he had
found on the coast. This was of no small advantage, on
account of the general dearth of them up to the present
time; he had visited many and very considerable towns,
and several numerous and warlike tribes, with whom
he had encounters, and many of whom he pacified; his
small force and the want of pasturage for his horses
prevented his going further. His account also described
a very large river, which the natives told him was ten
days' march from its source, and about which, and the
people inhabiting its banks, they told me many strange
things. I am about to send him again with a larger
force and better equipment, so that he may explore the
secrets of that river, which, judging from the size and
importance the natives attribute to it, I would not be
surprised if it turned out to be a strait; as soon as he
returns I shall relate to Your Majesty what I have
learned.

All these captains are on the point of starting on their
expeditions : may God be pleased to guide them according
to His Will. For my own part, even should Your Ma-
jesty visit Your displeasure on me, I shall not cease to
devote myself to Your service, holding it impossible that
Your Majesty should fail, for any length of time, to
recognise my services; but, even if this should happen,
I shall remain satisfied with having done my duty, and
knowing that all the world is aware of the loyalty with
which I have performed it, nor do I wish for any other
inheritance for my children.

Fifth Letter 355

Most Invincible Caesar may God, Our Lord, preserve
the life, and augment for long years the power of Your
Sacred Majesty according to Your desires. From this
city of Temixtitan, on the third day of September, 1526.

Hernando Cortes.

APPENDIX

357

APPENDIX

On August 27, 1529, Fray Juan de Zumarraga, bishop of Mexico,
addressed a lengthy report to Charles V., recapitulating the events
of the conquest, and exposing the actual condition of the country,
notably the official anarchy prevailing in the capital during the ab-
sence of Cortes in Honduras. The bishop's impartiality in all that
concerns the conduct of Cortes and that of his enemies gives great
value to his testimony, and I have thought well to translate that part
of his letter which deals particularly with the state of things in Mexico
up to the time of Cortes's visit to Spain. Read in connection with
the narrative of the Fifth Letter, these passages will be seen to con-
firm the latter's statements in his various letters to the Emperor,
many of which they also complete and elucidate.

I know of no English translation of this important document, but
in the valuable collection of Voyages, Relations, et Memoir es of Ternaux-
Compans an excellent French translation of the entire letter may be
found.

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER FROM BISHOP ZUMARRAGA TO CHARLES
V. INTRODUCTORY NOTE

The grace, the peace, and the mercy of Our Lord Jesus Christ be with
your Majesty, and may Your Majesty read attentively this letter, which
is written with the sincere and loyal intention of serving God and Your
Majesty. I write dispassionately, and to make myself useful to the
inhabitants of this country, both Spaniards and natives, and for the
discharge of my conscience and the fulfilment of the duties of my
office, which I have accepted as a cross and a martyrdom. I shall
state the truth, even should it cost me my life, which is said to be
menaced by the hatred of my enemies. He who shall judge us all
will take account of the persecutions I suffer for His cause.

Immediately upon my arrival in this country, and after consulting
the most serious religious men, as well as the conquerors and the oldest
inhabitants, I addressed to Your Majesty a report on the condition
in which I found it. But now that I have acquired more experience
and have been able to inform myself by conversing with the natives,
I am able to make known the Spaniards' manner of viewing things
and all that has happened since the arrival of the royal Audiencia
with which I came, and it is in God's name that I entreat Your Majesty
to graciously correct the abuses.

359

360 Letters of Cortes

Your Majesty knows that when Fernando Cortes first came to this
country, he was sent by the Governor of Cuba, Diego Velasquez, to
search for Grijalba, who had been sent by the governor with a fleet
on a voyage of discovery. Velasquez ordered Cortes to return with
Grijalba in case he found him, as he had no permission from your
Majesty to undertake conquests. In case he did not find him, the
governor's orders were that Cortes should trade along the coast, ex-
changing the merchandise he had brought from Cuba for that purpose,
for gold; after which he was to return to Cuba. As Grijalba was
already back before Cortes set sail, the latter should have abandoned
his expedition for, with the cessation of the cause, the effect should
cease. Cortes, however, seeing himself in command of men and ships,
and led doubtless by an inspiration of God, who wished to deliver this
country from the devil, did not obey the instructions of Velasquez.
He left, and guided by divine Providence he soon reached the first
harbour of Mexico, which is called San Juan de Ulua. The country
pleased him greatly, and he thought to render Your Majesty a great
service in colonising it. He therefore landed, contrary to the orders
he had received, and wrote to Your Majesty and likewise to Diego
Velasquez, to explain his conduct. Some approved of his addressing
himself directly to Your Majesty and sending the gold he had obtained,
but others blamed him, declaring he should have sent it to Velasquez.
Thus the force of Cortes was divided into two parties, but his friends
prevailed and proclaimed him captain-general. He succeeded in
reducing the partisans of Velasquez to obedience, though only after
much trouble, for they even tried several times to assassinate him.
Providence preserved him for the conquest of this country, for accord-
ing to all impartial people it would never have been accomplished
without him. He obtained possession of all Mexico and its capital.
Your Majesty knows the details of this achievement.

As soon as the country was subdued, Cortes, in response to the
prayer of Your Majesty's treasurer, Julian de Alderete, and of all the
conquerors, made a repartition of the Indians. The country was on
the verge of destruction, for under pretext of seeking provisions, the
Spaniards took possession of everything they found. This was the
reason why he decided to make that repartition, in making which he
however secured for himself and his friends everything most worth
having. Many of the conquerors, and especially those who had shown
themselves partisans of Diego Velasquez, were little satisfied with
the share he allotted them. He had assigned the most important
towns and provinces to Your Majesty, but afterwards he took them
away from the royal officials who were already in possession of them,
saying that by giving them as Encomiendas to individuals, one fifth
of the tributes which the holders would be obliged to pay would bring
more to the royal treasury, while all the profit went to the royal offi-»
cials and their servants. He took for himself the royal city of Texcoco,
which formerly belonged to the royal domain, and distributed the

Appendix. Fifth Letter 361

rest as he pleased. A short time after the conquest and partition of
Mexico, Your Majesty's officers, Alonso de Estrada, Rodrigo de Al-
bornoz, Gonzalo de Salazar, and Pero Almendez Chirino, arrived.
Cortes gave them the best reception, installing them in their offices
and overwhelming them with favours. They all made him the greatest
demonstrations of friendship, including even the factor Salazar.

At that time Cortes sent captains commanding a good number of
men to explore the country in all directions and to examine which
provinces would it be most suitable to colonise. Among these there
was Cristobal de Olid, whom he furnished with a fleet and an army to
colonise the province of Hibueras and the Cape of Honduras, which
was reputed to be a very rich country. The preparations for this ex-
pedition cost Cortes a good deal of money. But Cristobal de Olid, who
had served under Cortes, no sooner observed the wealth of the country
than he resolved to become independent. As soon as Cortes learned
this, he despatched several officials to summon him to recognise his
authority, but as Olid obstinately refused to do this, Cortes decided
to go in person, nothing daunted by the difficulties such a long overland
journey offered.

Cortes set out therefore, leaving the licenciate Zuazo as chief justice of
the entire country, and giving him power to decide all contentions.
He associated the treasurer, Alonso de Estrada, and the accountant,
Albornoz, with him in the government.

Hardly had Cortes left the city when Estrada and Albornoz quar-
relled, abusing one another, and even drawing their swords. Informed
of these disorders by letters which he received from Mexico, Cortes
sent back from Guazacalco, where he then was, the factor Gonzalo
de Salazar and the inspector Peralmindez Chirino, charging them to
quell the disturbances. He gave them two sets of instructions. Ac-
cording to one they were, should they find Albornoz and Estrada
reconciled, merely associated with the government, and all four were
to govern in accord with the licenciate Zuazo, who, as jurisconsult,
retained the exclusive administration of justice. But if the discord
still continued, Salazar and Chirino were authorised by the other set
of instructions to assume the reins of government alone. Urged by
their ambitions, these two came to an understanding with Albornoz
who so thoroughly detested Estrada that he consented to be deprived
of his own power if only the other were involved in his fall and punished,
as the author of all the troubles.

In agreement with Albornoz, the envoys of Cortes destroyed, the
first instructions, and only produced the others which provided that
since Estrada and Albornoz could not agree, the envoys were to replace
them in the government. At first Estrada submitted, but becoming
then reconciled with Albornoz and learning from him the history of
the destroyed papers, they both went to complain to the licenciate
Zuazo, and demanded to be recognised once more as members of
the government. Zuazo decided in their favour, but many troubles

362

Letters of Cortes

and disorders ensued on account of this affair, and several times a
civil war was on the verge of breaking out.

Salazar astutely attached himself to a certain Rodrigo de Paz, who
was a relative of Cortes, and held the office of alguacil mayor. The
latter exercised great influence in the country because the partisans
of Cortes regarded him as their chief. Sustained by such an one Sala-
zar ordered the arrest of the treasurer and the accountant, and hold-
ing them prisoners in their own houses, he began to proceed against
their friends and partisans upon whom he inflicted a shameful punish-
ment in public. Again a civil war was imminent and was only
avoided, thanks to God and to the sermons of Father Martin de Valen-
cia and some other holy religious men.

As soon as Salazar and Chirino found themselves masters of the gov-
ernment, and the municipal body had taken the oath to them, they
began to steal right and left. They arrested and tortured the Indian
chiefs to extort their gold and jewels from them. They distributed
important repartimientos to all their adherents. Rodrigo de Paz hav-
ing ventured to make some observations, and having sent some relig-
ious men to make them understand that they were ruining and losing
the country, they arrested him to free themselves from the importu-
nate censures. This arrest provoked a tumult, and for the third time
civil war threatened. In spite of all, they tried him, and a few days
later they hanged him after inflicting the most cruel tortures on him.
Some time before this, they had already, on I know not what pretext,
seized the person of the licenciate Zuazo whom they exiled, together
with many of the principal adherents of Cortes, so that nobody could
oppose their will, and they might be absolute masters of the govern-
ment, which, in their hands, was the most disorderly imaginable.
About this time Salazar and Chirino spread the report that Cortes had
been killed by the Indians, and all those who accompanied him on
his expedition to Hibueras as well. The friends of Cortes contradicted
this news which so irritated the others that they had public proclama-
tion made to the effect that any one bold enough to say that Cortes
still lived should receive one hundred lashes. Salazar showed himself
especially violent against Cortes, whom he publicly described as a
heretic, a traitor, and an usurper. He added that even were Cortes
still living, he would never allow him to return to the country; that
he had not come to Mexico as factor, but that he carried a secret order
from the king to arrest Cortes, and that he would have done this had
the latter not left for Hibueras.

The Spaniards were thus again divided into two parties: the one
to which Salazar belonged was composed of the former friends of
Velasquez; the other, of those of Cortes. Salazar had all of these
latter whom he could catch arrested, and the others took refuge in the
forests when the news of their chief's death was spread in Mexico.
Salazar and Chirino forced the municipal body to recognise them as
governors in Your Majesty's name. To confirm the rumour of the

Appendix. Fifth Letter 363

death of Cortes, they celebrated pompous funeral rites in his honour,
in the convent of St. Francis. They took possession of and inven-
toried all he owned, and sold everything at the lowest price, for they
were careful to have the appraising done by one Hernando Lopez, one
of their warmest partisans. When the sale was finished, they got him
to lend them a large sum of gold pesos which they sent to Spain for
safety. Salazar also pillaged the house of the king of Texcoco, who
had accompanied Cortes to Hibueras, saying that he had likewise
perished in the expedition. It is certain that he obtained at least five
or six thousand gold pesos, though it is said that there were more than
thirty thousand.

When Cortes and his friends returned to Mexico, they could never
learn exactly what had been taken from them, because the man who
had made the inventory had fled to Spain where he died in prison at
Seville. As for the king of Texcoco he could never recover anything
of all they had taken from him.

A respectable woman whose husband had accompanied Cortes,
having declared in her grief that the news was false, and that all were
well, was ordered by Salazar to receive twenty lashes in public, as a
sorceress. He was absolute master of the country, which he governed
like a tyrant, and he had enriched his partisans with the Indians and
spoils of Fernando Cortes and his companions: for he counted upon
their self-interest to defend and support him should the latter reap-
pear; all of which the former friends of Diego Velasquez who had joined
his party were quite ready to do. The friends of Cortes, afflicted and
despoiled of everything, took refuge in the convents awaiting such help
as God might send them. Every week Salazar reviewed his soldiers,
the meanest of whom bragged that, if Cortes was still alive, he would
either take him prisoner or kill him with his spear.

Cortes during all this time was completely ignorant of all that was
happening. He learned finally from a ship that reached Honduras,
of Salazar's tyranny, and how he had treated his friends. As he could
not leave the country, he sent one of his pages to Mexico bearing a
revocation of his former patents and another by which he annulled
all the powers of the royal officers who had by their abuses produced
such a conflagration. He appointed his kinsman, Francisco de las
Casas, governor in their stead. But when the page reached Mexicot
Francisco de las Casas had long since disappeared, for Salazar had
sent him a prisoner to Spain, in order to get rid of him. The page,
fearing that the tyrant might hang him, took refuge in the convent of
St. Francis. When the news of his arrival spread through the town,
Estrada, Albornoz, Salazar, Chirino,and their partisans were greatly
astonished, for there was hardly any one left who believed Cortes to
be still alive. When the former of these saw the letter of Cortes revok-
ing all the powers he had given, they thought it a favourable
opportunity to revenge themselves on Salazar, for all the affronts he
had inflicted on them. They assembled secretly in the convent of St.

364 Letters of Cortes

Francis, summoning together all the friends of Cortes who had taken
refuge there. The latter did not dare to disobey Your Majesty's prin-
cipal officers, who ordered them to follow them. They assembled all
the alcaldes and regidors in a house and made them deliver to them
the staff of justice as lieutenants of the governor, although they had
no powers to show. Then they adjourned uproariously to the house
of Cortes, where Salazar was installed. The latter had intrenched
himself, and had with him many of his friends, well armed, though
many had already deserted him. The assailants broke down the
doors of the house by means of artillery and captured Salazar amidst
such disorder that it is really a miracle that everything was not lost
on that day, for the Indians had resolved to profit by that occasion
to fall upon the Spaniards, massacre them to the last man, and liberate
their country.

Estrada and Albornoz, masters of the person of Salazar and liberators
of Chirino who had fled, began to govern in such wise as to fill their
pockets. They took a large number of Indians for themselves, dis-
tributed others amongst their friends, and began legal proceedings
against those who had sided with their enemies. Several of these lat-
ter were decapitated or hanged, and the others took refuge in convents,
though some were even dragged out from them to be executed. All
were deprived of their Indians and persecuted in every possible manner.

While Mexico was being devoured by this conflagration, Cortes came
back. When it was known that he had left the port and was approach-
ing the capital, an incredible dismay spread through the city. Every-
body wanted to file complaints of the executions, robberies, and
vexations which had taken place. Some accused Salazar and Chirino
who were prisoners, while others accused Estrada and Albornoz who
were governing.

When Cortes beheld the skein he had to untangle, he retired to
the convent of St. Francis, where he confessed, received the commun-
ion, and afterwards consulted the Superior, and the wisest religious
men concerning all that had happened, and the attitude he should
adopt. But just at that time, the licenciate Luis de Leon, whom Your
Majesty sent as judge of residencia, arrived in New Spain. As soon
as he had exhibited his powers all the officers of justice consigned their
wands of office to him. But a few days later God called him hence.
Judging from the good report I have had of him from those who knew
him, his death was beyond doubt a punishment which it pleased
Providence to inflict on this country. He had designated the licen-
ciate Marcos de Aguilar as his successor, but as the latter was very
old, his infirmities prevented him from accomplishing anything. He
died within a short time, after having named the treasurer, Estrada,
to succeed him.

During the government of Alonso de Estrada and Gonzalo de Sand-
oval, Nuno de Guzman arrived in the province of Panuco, where Your
Majesty sent him as governor. He had been to the island Hispaniola

Appendix. Fifth Letter 365

and Cuba, where he stopped for some time. The inhabitants of these
islands, who were for the most part enemies of Cortes and envious of
the high position he had obtained, took advantage of Nufio de Guz-
man's stay there to prejudice the latter against him. Guzman warmly-
espoused the side of Velasquez, influenced by his kinsman, Gonzalo
de Guzman, who is now governor of Cuba, and had been a long time
in his service.

As soon as he took possession of his government, he began to show
his ill-will by writing a most insolent letter to Cortes, while to the factor,
Salazar, who was then in prison, he wrote another filled with proofs of
friendship towards him. He kept up a constant correspondence with Sa-
lazar and even went to the length of considering as his own personal ene-
mies, all those who maintained that Cortes, far from being a traitor, had
rendered very great services to your Majesty. Some of these people
he caused to be whipped, and he smashed the teeth of others with a
stick, though they were guilty of no other crimes. He even dared to
seize some persons on Mexican territory, whom he hanged. He in-
fringed on the jurisdiction of Cortes, taking possession of a number
of villages which were held in encomienda by inhabitants of Mexico;
he inflicted tortures and vexations on the caciques, and established
garrisons among them to force them to acknowledge his authority. So
irritated were the inhabitants of Mexico by Guzman's conduct that
one of the greatest proofs of respect and obedience they could have
given Your Majesty was to refrain from taking arms and marching
against him. Before leaving for Spain, Cortes exhausted every effort
to tranquillise Estrada and Sandoval, who were both very much irri-
tated. They consequently confined themselves to notifying Guzman
that he need write them no more such letters as they would neither
receive nor read them. Guzman had become the chief of Velasquez's
partisans, and the foremost enemy of Cortes both because of the im-
pressions he had already received before he landed in Mexico and also
in consequence of the influence which the factor, Salazar, exercised
upon him after his arrival. He hoped, with the latter's aid, to suceed
in expelling Cortes from his government, and to obtain possession of
it himself, for it is the demon of ambition and avarice that has been
the cause of all the crimes which have ravaged this unhappy country.

The remainder of the letter deals with the conduct of Nunez de
Guzman, Delgadillo, and others during the absence of Cortes in Spain.

INDEX

Acahuilguin, lord of Acuculin,
II, 280

Acalan, province of, II, 256 ff;
description of, 263

Acolhuacan, I, 247

Acolman, II, 56; disturbance be-
tween Captains at, 63

Acuculin, province of, II, 280;
arrival at, 282

Adelantado, note on, II, 169

Agoes, note on, II, 243

Aguilar, Jeronimo de, I, 143, 144

Aguilar, Marcos de, succeeds
Ponce de Leon as commissioner,
1,51; Cortes reports on, II . 341

Aiutecatl, I, 31

Alaman, Lucas, account of con-
cealment of Cortes's remains,

I, 7o/f

Alaminos, Anton de, note on, I,

127
Alango, Fortunio de, II, 349
Albornoz, Rodrigo de, note on,

II, 230; Bishop Zumarraga's
account of his conduct, 361^

Alderete, Julian de, arrives at
Vera Cruz, II, 40 ; at Tacuba, 5 1 ;
urges attack on the market-
place, 91; altercation with
Cortes, 97

Almeria, I, 192

Altamirano, Fray Diego de, cousin
of Cortes, hisdespatches, 11,33 x

Alvarado, Pedro de, sent back
to Cuba by Grijalba I, 17; dis-
obedience of, 25; massacres
Mexican nobles, 284, 350; note
on, II, 60; quarrels with Olid,
63; disastrous repulse of, 8jjf;
assault on the market-place by,
115; expedition to Tututepe-
que, 142^1 sent to Guatemala,
178; negotiations with Ovalle,
182; departs for Tehuantepec,
196; in Guatemala, 332

Amazons, legendary island of,

II, 177, 178
Amecameca, I, 228
Amohan, lord of Checan, II,

276
Animals, Mexican, I, 161
Apaspolon, chief of Acalan, II,

256; deceives Cortes, 258; his

wealth, 264
Apolochic, river, II, 299
Aqueducts, description of, I, 262;

destruction of, II, 64
Armada, vessels of Cortes's, 1,155;

of Narvaez, 272
Ascension, bay of, I, 133
Atzcapotzalco, note on, II, 34
Avila, Pedrarius de, note on, I,

125; note on, II, 231; troubles

in his colony, 328
Axucutaco, province of, II, 322
Ayachapichtla, battle of, II, 38
Ay lion, Vasquez de, note on, I,

274

B

Bacallaos, note on, II, 207
Balboa, Nunez de, discovers

Pacific Ocean, I, 15; death of,

II, 232
Banner, Cortes's, I, 203
Barbo, Pedro, mortally wounded,

II, 88
Barrientos, Hernando de, his

letter to from Chinantla II,

57
Bees, varieties of, I, 145

Bono de Quejo, Juan, his mission,
II, 166

Brigantines, building of, I, 320;
progress of, II, 7; transported
from Tlascala, 31/f; launching
of, 59; first action of, 66#;
one captured by Mexicans, 88,

99
Burgos, Bishop of, note on, II,
166, 167

367

3™

Index

Cacamatzin, king of Texcoco, I,

249; note on, 249
Cacao, I, 244
Cagoatan, character of country,

II. 239

Caltanmic, I, 196

Canal, built at Texcoco, II, 58

Canec, lord of Taiza, II, 271;
conversion of, 272

Cannibalism, provisions for In-
dian troops, II, 104; feasting of
the Allies, 1 1 1 ; Cortes punishes,
244

Canno, Sebastian del, death of, II,

349
Cannon, the silver, II, 211, 212
Catapult, failure of the, II, 117,

118
Catoche, note on, I, 127; battle

at, 134; crosses at, 175
Catzolcin, note on, II, 161
Causeway, approaching Mexico,

I, 233 ; camp on the, II, 70
Cempoal, I, 190

Chalchuihcuecan, I, 247; II, 334
Chalco, I, 226; II, 22JJ
Chapagua, town of, II, 317
Cherubusco, II, 54
Chichemecatl, exploits during

siege, II, 31, 98, 102
Chichimecas, expedition against,

and note on, II, 353
Chihuacoatl, II, 125
Chila, town and lake, II, 171
Chilapan, town of, II, 240
Chinantla, events in, and note on,

II, 56, 57

Chirino, Pero Armildez, note on,
II, 230; Bishop Zumarraga's
account of his conduct,
362^

Cholula, note on, I, 212; embassy
from, 215; arrival of Cortes at,
216; massacre at, 217^; feud
with Tlascala, 220; description
of city, 220

Citlatepetl, II, 146

Citlatlepoc, II, 56

Civilisation, origins of Mexican,

I, 336/f
Coanacochtzm, note on, II, 13
Coatelicamat, description of his

country, I, 243
Coatlinchan, II 14
Coatzacoalco, river of, I, 245
Coins, values of, I, 136

Colhua, I, 225

Columbus, Diego, congress Cuba,
I, 6 ; note on, 123 ; his expedition
to Panuco, II, 170

Cotnunidades, note on, II, 168

Conspiracy at Vera Cruz, I, 167,
189

Cordoba, Francisco Fernandez de,
expedition, I, 15, 125; death, 16

Corral, Cristobal, II, 43

Cortes, Fernando, birth and fam-
ily, I, 3; education and early
life, ^ff; quarrel with Velasquez,
10; appointed commander by
Velasquez, 19, 138; sails for
Cozumel, 25; policy towards
Indians, 25; character of his
men, 26; compared with Caesar,
27; dealings with Tapia, 29,
138/jF; diplomacy of, 30^; influ-
ences governing his conduct, 3 5 ;
Prescott's opinion, 36, 37; his
Christianity, 38; dialogue with
Penn, 39; justifying motives,
42 ; relations with women, 42/f ;
second marriage, 44, 55; ex-
pedition to Yucatan, 44; Char-
nay's estimation of , 45; friend-
ship for Indians, 47; later
difficulties of, 49; accusations
against, 50 ; returns to Spain, 5 1 ;
honours conferred on, 54; his
emeralds, 55; arrival in Mexico,
57 ff; expeditions in Pacific
Ocean, 59^; Voltaire's anecdote
on, 6 1 ; last letter to Charles V.
62/f; death of, 66; funeral in
Mexico, 69; mystery of burial
place 6aff; last will, 77^; nego-
tiations at Cozumel, 139/f; res-
cues Spaniards in Yucatan, 141 ;
at Tabasco, 146/f; founds Vera
Cruz, 157; first description of
Mexico, 1 toff; destroys his ships,
189; at Cempoal, 190; at Xochi-
milco, 1 94 ; first news of Tlascala,
197 ; his standard, 203 ; murmur-
ings against, 206; alliance with
Tlascala, 207; ideas of jus-
tice, 215; enters Cholula, 216;
massacre and results in Cholula,
217^; arrives at Chalco, 226;
enters Mexico, 232; first meet-
ing with Montezuma, 234 ; plans
to take Montezuma prisoner,
238; reports on mines and agri-
culture, 242-4; searches for har-
bour, 245^7 describes Mexico,

Index

369

Cortes, Fernando (Continued)
256/f; overthrows the idols, 260 ;
letter to Narvaez, 270, 271;
leaves the city, 277; negotia-
tions with Narvaez, 280/^; de-
feats Narvaez, 282; return
march to Mexico, 285; captures
Teocalli, 291 ; narrow escape of,
295; retreats from Mexico,
296/f; arrives at Tlascala, 302;
at Guacachula, 311; builds
brigantines, 320 ; proposes name
for Mexico, 322; reviews forces
at Tlascala, II, 8; speech to
Tlascalans, 9; march to Mexico,
10; at Texcoco, 15; destroys
Iztapalapan, 18; receives brig-
antines, 32; at Tacuba, 34/f;
messages to Quauhtemotzin 40,
41; begins hostilities, 42/f;
captures Cuernavaca, 46; nar-
row escape at Xochimilco, 50;
begins the siege, 60; commands
brigantines, 66; second narrow
escape of, 95; wounded, 97;
inspects market-place, 116; re-
ports on the treasure, 130;
builds ships on the Pacific, 144;
plot to murder, 144, 145; cam-
paigning in Panuco, 171/f;
appointed Captain-General, 180 ;
dealings with Garay, 188/f;
reports ship-building, 199, 200;
on rebuilding Mexico, 2ooff;
gun casting, 204; manufactures
ammunition, 205; casts silver
culverin, 211; complains of
Velasquez, 213; converting In-
dians, 213, 214; opinions of
bishops, lawyers, and doctors,
214; ordinances of, 218;
expedition to Yucatan and
Honduras, 230; bridge building,
235. 239, 253/7; reports execu-
tion of Quauhtemotzin; at
Peten-Itza, 274; receives tidings
from Nito, 283 ; arrives at Nito,
286; dangerous journey on
rafts, 299^; reception in Hon-
duras, 308; report of his death,
note on, 321; receives dis-
quieting news from Mexico,
321/f; embarks for Vera Cruz,
323; reports on slave trade,
333; sails for Vera Cruz, 334;
in Havana, 334/f; arrival at
reception at Vera Cruz, 335;
arrival in City of Mexico, 336/f;

accusations against, 341/f; ren-
ders an account, 344; proposes
to return to Spain, 346; peti-
tions a pension, 347^; reports
on South Sea expeditions,
350; on province of Zapoteca,
351; his treatment of Nufio
de Guzman, 352; expedition
against the Chichimecas, 353

Coscatlan, note on, II, 171

Cozumel, discovery of, I, 16;
note on, 123; Cortes at, 139;
crosses at, 175

Cronberger, Juan, editions of
Cortes 's letters, I, 103

Cruelty, wholesale executions in
Panuco, II, 193

Cruzada, Bula de la, II, 138

Cuauhtitlan, II, 34

Cuba, conquest of, I, 7; note on,
123

Cuernavaca, capture of, and note
on, II, 46/f

Cuicuitcatzin, I, 250

Cuitlahuac, description of town,
I, 229; II, 54

Cuitlahuaczin, note on, I, 318;
measures for defence, 321

Cuzula, report on, I, 242

Darien, note on, II, 179

Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, describes
sailing of expedition under
Cortes, I, 20, 21; life and
writings, 109

Dircio, Pedro, II, 43

Duero, Andres de, I, 281

E

Empire, extent of Aztec, I, 264;
taxes in, 265

Encomienda, note explaining, II,
223/f

Escudero, Juan, takes Cortes
prisoner, I, 11; hanged, 167

Espiritu Santo, foundation of, II,
161

Estrada, Alonso de, note on, II,
230; Bishop Zumarraga's ac-
count of his conduct, 361^

Famine, during the siege, II, 112,

126
Fernandina, see Cuba

37o

Index

Fernando, Don, King of Texcoco,
II, 21, 22; election of, 25;
supplies reinforcements to Cor-
tes, 77, 78; note on, 78; death
of, 146; note on, 146
Figueroa, Rodrigo de, I, 320
Fonseca, Juan de, note on, II,
166, 167

Gallego, Pedro, captured at Ta-
cuba, II, 50, 55

Garay, Francisco de, note on, I,
191; first expedition to Mexico,
192/f; disastrous expedition of,
307; his men at Panuco, 321;
arrival in Panuco, II, 179/f;
note on his expedition and
death, 180-81; defection of his
men, 186; death of, 190

Gomara, Francisco de, chaplain
of Cortes, I, 10; version of
quarrel between Cortes and
Velasquez, nff; life and writ-
ings, 108

Gonzalez, Gil, in Honduras, II,
3o8#

Grijalba, Juan de, captain of
Velasquez's first expedition, I,
16, 131; his discoveries, 17;
returns to Cuba, 18, 136; note
on, 131; river so named, 135;
imprisoned at Santestevan del
Puerto, II, 185

Guajocingo, I, 226

Guanajos, Los, islands of, II,
332/f

Guatemala, messenger to Cortes
from, II, 178

Guevara, Santiago de, death of,

II, 349
Guzman, Cristobal de, II, 96
Guzman, Gonzalo de, I, 131
Guzman, Nunez de, governor of
Panuco, I, 51; proceeds against
Cortes, 56; note on his atro-
cities, II, 352

H

Hanega explained, I, 244
Hernandez, Alonzo, captured at

Xochimilco, II, 50
Hernandez, Francisco, at Naco,

II, 328
Hererra, Antonio de, life and

writings, I, 116

Honduras, expedition sent by-
Cortes to, II, 194/jF; note on
name, 229

Holquin, Garci, captures Quauhte-
motzin, II, 127; note on, 128

Huaquechula, I, 309; capture of,
311; description of, 314

Huaxtepec, II, 37

Huexothla, II, 14

Hueyothlipan, I, 302

Huilacho, outrages in, II, 329

Huisuco, II, 100

Huititla, island of, II, 333

Huitzilopochtli, I, 348

Icazbalceta, Manuel Garcia, his
writings, I, 118

Idols, description of, I, 262; de-
struction of, 34$ff

Impilcingo, expedition to, II, 176

Ixhuacan, I, 195

Ixtacmaxtitlan, I, 197

Ixtlilxochitl, joins Cortes, II, 13;
note on, 78; conduct during the
siege, 78

Iztapalapan, description of, I,
230'; destruction of, II, 18

Iztapan, march to, II, 242

Izzucan, I, 315; disputed succes-
sion at, 316, 317

Jamaica, I, 141

Jeronymite Fathers, applied to by

Velesquez, I, 18, 131; note on,

129
Judges, Aztec, I, 259
Julian, captured by Cordoba, I,

16; interprets for Cortes, 25

Lakes of Chalco and Texcoco, I,
256

Languages, note on Indian, II,
299

Lara, Juan de, captured at
Xochimilco, II, 50

Las Casas, Bast Glome* de, version
of quarrel between Cortes and
Velasquez, I, gff; life and
writings, 114

Las Casas, Francisco de, hostili-
ties against Olid in Honduras,
II, 309/f

Index

37i

Laws, sumptuary, in Mexico, II,

218
Loaysa, Garcia Jofre de, fate of

his expedition, II, 349

M

Malinalco, II, 100
Malinaltepeque, gold from, I,

243
Maquahuitl, described, I, 202
Marina, I, 42 ff; first mentioned,

217; note on, 327/f; with Cortes

in Honduras, II, 273
Market-place, in city of Mexico,

I> 2Slffi attack on, II, 92;

Spaniards repulsed at, 96 ; note

on, 9777
Martyr, Peter de Angleria, life and

writings, I, 115
Massacre of Mexican nobles, I,

349#
Matalcingo, expedition against, II,

i°3#

Maxixcatzin, I, 207; kindness to
Cortes, 303; holds Tlascala to
the Spanish alliance, 319; death
of, II, 7

Mazatl, execution of, II, 326

Medellin, in Estremadura, birth-
place of Cortes, I, 3; in Mexico,
foundation and naming of, II,
135; transfer of, 206

Medrano, II, 88

Melchor, captured by Cordoba, I,
16; interprets for Cortes, 25

Melgarejo, Fray Pedro, arrives at
Vera Cruz, II, 40; at Tacuba,
51; note on, 138; negotiations
with Cristobal de Tapia, 138/jf

Mendoza, Alonzo de, II, 3

Merlo, Rodrigo de, slave-hunting,

, II. 333

Metztithlan, II, 164

Mexicalcingo, description of, I,
232; adheres to Cortes, II, 41

Mexico, description by Cortes, I,
256/f; fighting in, 287/f; note on,
S3°ff> civilisation of, 336/f;
siege of, II, 60; completely in-
vested, 7 1 ; first general assault
on, 73/jF; second general assault
on, 80; third general assault on,
82/jf; defection of vassals, 84, 85 ;
note on, 88 ; gallant defence of,
95ff; destruction begins, ioSjf;
suffering in, 112; fall of, 125;
note on, 127^; rebuilding of,

135, 201, 202; notes on new

divisions of, 202, 203
Michoacan, messengers to Cortes,

II, 130; note on 1 3 1 ; messengers

return from, 136; disaffection of

Spaniards in, 162
Mixquic, II, 54
Monjaraz, Andres de, I43 s,
Montafio, Francisco deprisocures

sulphur from volcano, II, 205
Montejo, Francisco de, I, 160, 179
Montezuma, Spaniards first hear

of, I, 17; his ambassadors to

Cortes, 34, 148; note on, 187;

second embassy to Cortes, 211;

efforts to stop Cortes, 227;

receives Cortes, 233; discourse

of, 234/7,' imprisoned, 238/^; in

chains, 240 ; betrays Cacamatzin

249; speech to his nobles, 251;

his empire, 263; palaces, 265/f;

etiquette, 267; death of, 288,

. 35i#

Moreno, Pedro, his conduct in

Honduras, II, 312/f; report of

intrigues at Naco, 328
Motolinia, Fray Toribio, life and

writings, I, 115

N

Naco, note on, II, 284; Spaniards

at, 290
Narvaez, Panfilo de, arrival in

Mexico, I, 269; his designs, 271;

note on, 272; negotiations with

Cortes, 278/f; defeat of, 282
Natividad, foundation of, II, 304
Nautlan, II, 41
Nieto, Diego, II, 286
Night, the Sorrowful, I, 296/f
Nito, note on, II, 284; Spaniards

settled there, 284/f; their sad

plight, 286; desperate situation

of Cortes at, 289

Oaxaca, 1,317; expedition against,

II, i33ff
Obsidian, note on, II, 198
Ocampo, Diego de, note on, II,

163
Ocupatuyo, I, 313
Ojeda, adventures and death of,

II, 179
Olea, Cristobal de, at Xochimilco,

II, 50; death of, 95, 97

372

Index

Olid, Cristobal de, lands at
Cozumel, I, 17; position during
the siege, II, 61; hostilities at
Coyohuacan, 65; sent to Hon-
duras, 179; his departure, 194;
note on, 194, 195; history of
his rebellion, soSff; execution
of, 310; Bishop Zumarraga's
account of his rebellion, 36 iff

Ordaz, Diego de, ascends Popoca-
tapetl, I, 224; note on, II, 159

Orizaba, volcano of, I, 161; note
on, II, 146

Orozco y Berra, Manuel, Historia
Antiqua, I, 117

Otomies, join Cortes, note on, II,
79; seek assistance, 103

Otumba, Battle of, I, 300, 301;
messengers from, II, 20

Ovando, Nicolas de, appointed
governor of Hispaniola, I, 4

Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de,
life and writings, I, in

Palmas, Rio de las, note on, II,

352
Palos, note on, I, 127
Panuco, I, 308; rebellion in, II,

igoff
Papayeca, town of, II, 317
Pasquinades, on the treasure, II,

*53
Paz, Rodrigo de, imprisoned in

Mexico, II, 322; execution of,

362
Peace, first overtures for, II, 105;

renewed proposals for, 120
Penn, William, ghostly dialogue

with Cortes, I, 39
Perez, Alonzo, with Cortes at

Tacuba, II, 51
Peten-Itza, Cortes arrives at, II,

26gff; note on, 270; deified

horse at, 274
Pinzon, Vicente Yafiez, I, 133
Pitzacura, capture of, II, 326;

death of, 327
Plot, to murder Cortes, II, 144;

note on, 145
Ponce de Leon, Juan, discovers

Florida, I, 15; note on, II, 106
Ponce de Leon, Luis, sent as com-
missioner to Mexico, I, 50;

arrival and note on, II, 3 3 iff;

death of, 340
Popocatapetl, described, I, 223

Prescott, William H., notice of
his conquest of Mexico, I, 117

Priests, Aztec, I, 259

Provincials, first named for re-
ligious Orders, II, 216

Puertocarrero, Alonzo Hernan-
dez, I, 160, 180

Puerto del Alabastro, named by
Cortes, II, 269

Pulque, I, 258

Quauhpopoca, I, 236^; his death,

241
Quauhtemotzin, sends force against

Chalco, II, 39; conduct during

the siege, 97; refusals to make

peace, 12 off; capture of, 127;

torture of, 128; death of, II,

26off; note on, 262
Quetzalcoatl, note on, I, 340^;

temple of, 347
Quinones, Antonio de, II, 95
Quintero, Alonzo, captain of ship

in which Cortes first sailed, I, 5

R

Rangel, Rodrigo, sent against the

Zapotecas, II, 198
Requirement addressed to Cortes,

I, 157; formality explained, 177
Residencia, note on, I, 169
Robertson, William, opinion of

Cortes's letters, I, 101; works

referred to, 118
Roche, Gaspard, stands surety

for colonists, II, 313
Rodelas, explained, I, 134
Rojas, Gabriel de, expedition of,

II, 330

Ruano, Juan, intrigues in Hon-
duras, II, 313/f

Saavedra, Hernando de, lieuten-
ant, in Honduras, II, 323

Sacrifices, human, I, 164, 181;
number of victims, 345; Span-
iards sacrificed, II, 88; note on,
gjff; in Acalan, 258

Salazar, Gonzalo de, note on, II,
230; Bishop Zumarraga's ac-
count of his conduct, 361

Salt, note on, I, 208

San Andres, note on name, II, 290

Index

373

Sandoval, Gonzalo de, death, I,
53; 281, note on, II, 22; expedi-
tion to Chalco, 2377; expedition
to Tlascala, 29/f; return to
Chalco, 37, 38; position during
siege, 61; wounded, 72; sent to
help Otomies, 103; negotiates
with Tapia, 140

San Estevan del Puerto, founda-
tion of, II, 174

San Hipolito, feast of, II, 129

San Juan de Puerta Latina, 1,133

San Juan de Ulua, island of,
derivation of name, I, 17; note
on, 132

San Martin, I, 271

Santiago de Cuba, I, 125

Santiago, Spanish battle-cry, II,
38

Segura de la Frontera, foundation,

I, 308; change of site, II, 163;
mutiny at, 164

Settlements, Spanish, I, 126

Siege, beginning of the, II, 60;
duration of, 129

Singuatepecpan, II, 248; arrival
at, 249; Christian propaganda
at, 252

Slavery, Cortes sanctions servi-
tude of natives, II, 147, 148;
natives branded and sold, 166;
Cortes orders branding, 199;
the trade, 33277

Small-pox introduced by Span-
iards, II, 6

Solis, Juan Diaz de, discovers
River Plate, I, 15

Sotelo builds the catapult, II, 117

Soto, Diego de, II, 140

South Sea, inquiries concerning,

II, 131; efforts to reach, 131/7
Spain, New, name proposed by

Cortes, I, 322
Strait, search for the, II, 20777

Tabasco, discovery of river, I,

131; fighting at, 147
Tacuba, destruction of, II, 34
Taiza, Cortes marches towards,

II, 269
Tamazollan, I, 319
Tanjuco, note on, II, 190
Tapia, Cristobal de, his dealings

with Cortes, I, 29; arrival at

Vera Cruz, II, 138; note on, 138
Tasco, tin mines of, II, 204

Tecuichpo, Princess, I, 318
Tehuantepec, expedition to, II,

196
Temple, the great, I, 260; note on,

345
Tenayucan, II, 34
Tenciz, character of the province

of, II, 278
Tenochtitlan, Mexico, note on, I,

33°7?
Teotihuacan, pyramids of, I,

248
Tepeaca, expedition to, I, 308;

slaves in, 309; garrison at, II, 6
Tepepolco, quarries of, II, 66
Teutepil, II, 31
Texcoco, description of and note

on, I, 247, 248; canal built at,

11,58

Tezcatlipoca, I, 340, 341

Tezmulocan, II, 10

Tiac, arrival of Cortes at, II,
268

Tianguiz, II, 92

Tithes, first levied in Mexico, II,
216

Tlalmanalco, II, 42

Tlapanecatl, leads assault, II, .88

Tlascala, republic of, I, 32;
character of the people, 32, 33;
note on, 197; wall of, 199;
hostilities in, 2oiff; peace con-
cluded, 207; description of city,
209; feud with Cholula, 220;
loyalty of people, 303; events
in, 305; native of, rescues
Cortes, II, 50

Tlatelolco, I, 330

Torquemada, Juan de, life and
writings, I, 116

Tozopan, II, 41

Trade, relations with Hispaniola,
II, 217

Treasure, list of first, I, 170;
collected in Mexico 253; divi-
sion of, 255; fate of the, II,
210, 211

Truce, Mexican flag of, II, 13

Trujillo, foundation of, II, 311

Tuchintecla, I, 245, 246

Tupilcos, province of, II, 23477

Tututepec, two towns so named,
II, 164

Tzilacatzin, his exploits, II, 89

Valdenebro, Diego, II, 140

374

Index

Valleja, Pedro de, at San Estevan,
II, 174; outgenerals Grijalba,
183, 184

Vassals, perfidy of the Mexican,

- II, 84, 85 ; doubt the Spaniards,
98

Velasquez, Diego, conquers Cuba,
I, 6, 7; character, 7, 8; quarrel
with Cortes, ioff; sends first
expedition to mainland, 16,
131/jF; second expedition, 18,
137^; appoints Cortes Captain,
18; instructions to Cortes, 19;
suspicious of, 2off; note on,
1,25; intrigues with Olid, II,
213

Vendabal, Francisco Martin, cap-
tured at Tacuba, II, 50, 55

Vera Cruz, I, 157; reinforcements
arrive at, II, 27; more arrivals
at, 40; ammunition arrives at,
106

Verdugo, Francisco, II, 43

Villafafta, Antonio de, his plot
and fate, II, 144, 145

Villafuerte, Rodriquez de, II, 43

W

Women, Spanish, during the con-
quest, II, 99

X

Xatlocan, attack on, II, 2>Z
Xicotencatl, I, 204, 303; distrust

of Spaniards, 319; his desertion

and death, II, 63

Xiuhtepec, II, 46

Xochimilco, I, 194; note on name
of, II, 49; fighting at, 49/f

Xoloc, capture of and note on,
II, 69

Xuarez, Catalina, courted by-
Cortes, I, 11; marriage, 12

Xuarez, Juan partner of Cortes I,

7
Xuchitepec, I, 244

Yasa, river, II, 287

Yautepeque, II, 46

Yuca, note on, II, 243

Yucatan, note on, I, 123; discov-
ery of, 127; Spanish prisoners
in, 141

Yuste, Juan, his fate, II, 30

Zacatula, foundation of, II,

162
Zalapa, the river II, 236
Zapotecas, expedition against the,

II, 197; report on expedition,

Zozolla, I, 317

Zuazo, Alonso de, sent back to

Mexico, II, 233; imprisonment

of, 321 ; exile of, 362
Zumarraga, Juan de, appointed

president of audiencia, I, 56;

letter to Charles V, 3 5 jff
Zufliga, Juan de, wife of Cortes I,

44

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